Ugandan School Attack
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Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
My Lords, I do not think it is necessary for the Statement to be read. It was taken yesterday, so it is in Hansard.
Forty-two people are dead, including 37 children, and students remain in terrible danger after being abducted. I know that the whole House will wish to convey condolences to all those parents who are suffering unimaginable pain and fear. In response to Jim Shannon the Minister, Andrew Mitchell, said that before these horrific events the FCDO was “looking at commissioning” a new joint analysis of conflict and stability report for the region. I hope the Minister can tell us where we are on that report and when it will be completed and available.
On the illicit financial flows that are used to back these terrorists, Andrew Mitchell referred in the other place to the Integrated Review Refresh, indicating that the Government were actively engaged in working out how we can do more on that front. Can the noble Lord assure the House that we have the right resources to map illicit financial flows? Do we understand where we have leverage over those who support the ADF and other armed groups in the area?
Lord Goldsmith of Richmond Park (Con)
My Lords, this was an horrific and cowardly attack on a secondary school in Mpondwe. I echo the noble Lord in saying that my heart and the thoughts of all members of the Government go out to the families involved.
As a brief update, the Government of Uganda have confirmed that 42 people were killed and that 37 of them were students at the school. Six people were injured and there were reports of a further five to seven people, which we think includes children from the school, being abducted. The authorities in Uganda believe that the perpetrators are from the Islamic State-affiliated armed group the Allied Democratic Forces, which operates in the DRC. The Ugandan military is pursuing the attackers and those responsible of course must be brought to justice.
The noble Lord asked two specific questions. The first related to the joint analysis that was raised by our colleague in the other place, the Minister for Africa. The Government have commissioned analysis for the Horn of Africa. We are not yet in a position to set out timelines. However, we are in regular contact with partners in the region to identify the drivers of conflict and how to react to them. On illicit finance, it is worth pointing out that the ADF is already under UK and UN sanctions. In addition, we are working with a number of African Governments to address loopholes in existing legislation that enable this type of money to be laundered in support of groups such as the ADF.
UK Food Aid: Ethiopia
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Lord Goldsmith of Richmond Park (Con)
I will have to put that specific question to the Minister for Africa. In principle we do not question the basis for the definition that the noble Lord has put forward, but it has always been our view across the board that determination of things such as genocide or war crimes should be made by a competent court rather than by the UK Government or a non-judicial body.
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
My Lords, the recent fifth failed rainy season and extreme climate events across the Horn of Africa mean that catastrophic hunger levels are likely to worsen across Ethiopia, as well as in Kenya, Somalia and South Sudan, yet those countries are among the least responsible for climate change. Can the Minister, who I know has a specific interest in this, tell us more about what the Government can do to help communities adapt to the impact of climate change?
Lord Goldsmith of Richmond Park (Con)
The noble Lord makes a hugely important point. It is worth saying that Ethiopia was long considered a success story. Over the last few decades, millions upon millions of people have been pulled out of poverty—with UK support, I should say; the UK has been a principal player in that process and can be proud of it—but those gains are being lost as a consequence of drought, conflict and the war in Ukraine, et cetera. The noble Lord raises the issue of adaptation. The UK has committed that half or thereabouts of our international climate finance should be spent on adaptation, the other half being spent on mitigation. A very big proportion of both will be invested in nature-based solutions to climate change, which provide both adaptation and mitigation. That is the lens through which we approach climate change, and it is the focus of all the investments in the £11.6 billion commitment that former Prime Minister Boris Johnson made at COP 26.
Nova Kakhovka Dam
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Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
My Lords, I agree with the noble Lord. What is very evident, as he said, is that large sections around the dam and the river have been cleared of landmines. The United Kingdom Government have worked with the Halo Trust, and its CEO, James Cowan, will be addressing the Ukrainian conference on the specific issue of demining in advance of reconstruction in Ukraine.
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
My Lords, I return to the question of agriculture. I know it is early days to undertake a full impact assessment, but can the noble Lord reassure us that our expertise will be used fully to support Ukrainian agriculture in the long and medium term? Will he ensure that the issue of the impact on agriculture is properly addressed at the Ukraine recovery conference?
Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
My Lords, I can give the noble Lord that assurance. In a previous Question, we talked about the importance of Ukraine’s supplying the world’s economies with grain. We have yet to see how this will impact, for example, the Black Sea grain initiative. The Dnipro river goes straight into the Black Sea, so of course there are implications. As the noble Lord, Lord Browne, pointed out, many mines have been washed through and that assessment has still to be made, but specific parts of the conference are allocated to agriculture. Half a billion people used to get their grain from Ukraine, so there is a major task ahead of us.
Kosovo and the Western Balkans Region
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Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
My Lords, there is little that I can add to the words of the noble and gallant Lord apart from thanking him for the incredible role that he plays on the ground. I believe that he has made four visits in the recent past to Kosovo. I agree with him that the United Kingdom has stood side by side with Kosovo as it seeks to find its place in the international world, and we continue to campaign for its global recognition as an independent nation. However, I also agree that we must ensure that what happened in the past is not repeated.
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
My Lords, I welcome the FCDO’s role with France, Germany and Italy last week in their joint statement. The Minister referred to the EU-facilitated dialogue to normalise relationships. Can he tell us a bit more about how the UK is directly involved in supporting that dialogue? How closely are we working to ensure that it achieves its objective?
Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
My Lords, I assure the noble Lord that the current engagement is live; it has been taking place yesterday and today, and I will update the House on certain outcomes. We are working closely with both our US and EU partners in this respect, and recently my right honourable friend the Prime Minister attended the meeting of the EPC, where there was engagement on this important issue.
International Criminal Police Organisation (Immunities and Privileges) Order 2023
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The Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Goldsmith of Richmond Park) (Con)
My Lords, this instrument was laid before Parliament on 20 April in accordance with Section 10(1) of the International Organisations Act 1968. It is subject to the affirmative procedure and will be made once it is approved by both Houses. The issue was brought to the House of Commons Committee on Wednesday 17 May and was passed unanimously.
The primary purpose of the order is to provide the International Criminal Police Organization, more commonly known as Interpol, with the status of an international organisation in the UK, under the International Organisations Act. This is a prerequisite for the UK to host the annual Interpol general assembly in 2024. Importantly, it will also enable Interpol to function effectively in the UK in the longer term, including by providing it with legal personality in this country.
The Government therefore consider these privileges and immunities both necessary and appropriate to deliver on the short and longer-term interests and commitments that the UK has towards Interpol. The privileges and immunities conferred enable Interpol staff and its representatives from member countries to operate effectively in the UK. They will be afforded to officials attending statutory Interpol meetings and senior officials such as the Interpol secretary-general and executive committee members. They are within the scope of the International Organisations Act and in line with UK precedents.
All categories of individual are subject only to official Act immunities. The one exception to that is the secretary-general, who will be treated in accordance with the UK’s treatment of heads of diplomatic missions, namely receiving personal as well as official Act immunity. The provisions of the order cover: entry into the UK; customs provisions; immunity from legal process within the scope of official activities; inviolability of official documents and correspondence; taxation; inviolability of Interpol premises; statutory meetings; foreign currency exchange; functional immunity for officials; and an immunity waiver. As is standard for agreements of this kind, UK nationals and permanent residents are carved out of provisions regarding taxation and importation exemptions.
Interpol is a global law enforcement organisation whose objective is to facilitate transnational police co-operation in the fight against international crime. That mission is more important than ever when we consider how international crime has evolved since the UK became a member in 1928. Global travel, new technology and the ability of serious and organised crime gangs to exploit world events mean that we need to work across borders to keep our people safe. Interpol is key to that work and the UK remains committed to the organisation as it marks its centenary year. Our commitment is reflected in our plan to host the general assembly, alongside our day-to-day investment in Interpol through our people and expertise.
The general assembly represents a unique opportunity to demonstrate UK policing leadership on a global stage. During the event, police chiefs from around the world, alongside senior government officials, will gather to discuss emerging threats to global security, to set the direction for Interpol’s activities in the following year and to elect a new secretary-general, along with nine of the 13 new executive committee members.
The privileges and immunities granted by the order will enable Interpol’s membership to come together at its 2024 general assembly in the UK. It will also create a basis for closer working between Interpol and the UK Government and law enforcement agencies in future. I commend the order to the Committee.
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
My Lords, I thank the Minister for introducing this statutory instrument. As he says, it has been considered in the other place. In fact, my honourable friend Catherine West made it absolutely clear that the Opposition support its introduction. She certainly echoed the Minister’s comments on the importance of Interpol’s role and activities, so I will not repeat those, but I have a number of specific questions that I want to put to the Minister.
The immunities and privileges contained in the instrument differ from those in similar regulations that I have considered in Grand Committee. One of those was the 2021 order on the Bank for International Settlements. Can the Minister explain the process to determine which immunities and privileges are given? Do they differ constantly for different organisations?
Also, during the debate on the instrument that gave similar immunities for COP 26, which I know the Minister is familiar with, I asked for assurances that there was no risk of hostile states’ representatives abusing privileges while in the UK. Can he confirm whether there has been any risk assessment of this possibility for the Interpol general assembly, which is going to take place in the United Kingdom?
The Explanatory Memorandum states:
“There was previously no law granting privileges and immunities to INTERPOL in the UK”.
Given that Interpol’s national central bureau is based in Manchester, is there a time lag? Why are we granting these immunities now? Surely there were people who would have benefited from such immunities in Manchester. Did the Government receive representations on this issue? The office in Manchester is responsible for working with and protecting the 14 overseas territories from a range of threats. Are the Government involving them in the arrangements for the general assembly?
Those are the few questions I have on this instrument. I reiterate the Opposition’s support for its introduction.
Lord Goldsmith of Richmond Park (Con)
I am grateful to the noble Lord for his contribution. I will do my best to answer his questions.
The privileges and immunities are a requirement, as the noble Lord knows, of the UK as a host of the general assembly in 2024. In agreeing the privileges and immunities treaty, Ministers considered this aspect and the associated risks, which he has just highlighted. All 195 members of Interpol will receive an invitation to the general assembly; that is the case for every Interpol general assembly and it is a requirement. The UK is required, as per the terms and conditions for hosting the general assembly, to honour those invitations. That is just a fact of hosting this conference or summit. Based on attendance at recent meetings of the Interpol general assembly, we are planning for the attendance of about 1,000 delegates, including the Interpol leadership. That said, and as outlined in the draft, not all of them will have full privileges and immunities.
On the issue that the noble Lord raised in relation to hostile states, the privileges and immunities granted are only those that are strictly necessary. They were negotiated according to functional needs, so delegates of member countries will be granted only the official acts immunity, which applies while they are carrying out their official activities in the UK. We are seeking to limit the size of national delegations permitted to the general assembly sessions to a model of five delegates and five alternates. They must also go through an accreditation process. We work continually to assess potential threats to the UK and will always take proportional action to mitigate risks where we identify them, as we are doing in this case. The immunities granted are official acts immunities only; they cover official Interpol activities and attendance at Interpol statutory meetings.
The noble Lord made a point about the Manchester HQ. My understanding is that it is the National Crime Agency, which is obviously a UK organisation, that is based in Manchester and not Interpol, so there is a crucial difference there.
What was the noble Lord’s first question?
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
The differences between certain agencies and their immunities.
Lord Goldsmith of Richmond Park (Con)
I am afraid I will have to write to the noble Lord with a detailed answer on that, because I do not have that information to hand.
On Interpol itself as an organisation, the Government strongly support its efforts to ensure that systems are in place that protect individuals’ human rights, in line with Article 3 of Interpol’s constitution, which strictly forbids
“any intervention or activities of a political, military, religious or racial character”.
The Home Office continues to work with Interpol and the National Crime Agency, which acts as the UK’s national central bureau, to monitor the effectiveness of existing safeguards. We encourage Interpol to uphold international human rights obligations and would never hesitate to recommend further reforms to Interpol, if necessary.
I think I have answered the noble Lord’s questions, with the exception of one, on which I will have to get back to him in writing. I thank him again for his contribution today. I know the committee took a keen interest in the UK’s relationship with Interpol. In granting these privileges and immunities, we will be able to host the general assembly in 2024. We will be better placed to influence the organisation as a result, and better positioned to combat international criminality. I therefore trust that the Committee will support the order.
Overseas Territories
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Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
My Lords, first, I declare a special interest in relation to the overseas territories: my father and grandfather were Bermudian, so I feel a very special part of that island. The noble Lord, Lord Lancaster, did not mention that we had a strong naval tradition there—certainly that was my father’s and grandfather’s part in that island.
I thank the noble Lord for initiating this important debate. He mentioned last week’s debate in the Commons. My honourable friend Stephen Doughty, the shadow Minister covering the overseas territories, set out five key principles that would guide a future Labour Government’s relationship with them. It is worth spelling out those five key principles again, because they reflect what the noble Lord, Lord Lancaster, said.
The first is devolution and democratic autonomy, which is about establishing clear consistency on constitutional principles of partnership and engagement. The second is listening and the principle of “Nothing about you without you”. The third is partnership. A future strong and stable relationship between the United Kingdom and each of the overseas territories must be built on mutual respect and inclusion—indeed, that involves all government departments, not just the FCDO.
The fourth key principle is the fact that rights come with responsibilities, as the 2012 White Paper recognised. In our British family, we share common values, as the noble Baroness mentioned, and legal traditions. We share obligations and principles, such as a robust commitment to democracy, the rule of law and liberty, and the protection of human rights, including those of people living with disabilities, women and girls, and—as my noble friend Lord Cashman raised—LGBT+ people. The cause that my noble friend advanced is absolutely right. We all share in our family the same rights, and we should all be treated in the same way. The fifth principle is the advancement of good governance, ensuring proper democratic accountability and regulation.
As my honourable friend said in the debate in the Commons, Labour has committed that we will defend their security, autonomy and rights, including in the case of the Falkland Islands and Gibraltar. I am pleased to see representatives of the Gibraltar Government here this afternoon.
The UK’s overseas territories are each a cherished and important part of the global UK family, each one with its own nuances that are too often overlooked and ignored. Far too often, the debate around the overseas territories is based on generalisations that fail to consider their uniqueness and the vibrancy of each territory and its history. I agree with the noble Lord, Lord Lancaster, that we must move away from the notion that, when it comes to the overseas territories, one size fits all.
My party believes firmly that the future of the overseas territories must be led first and foremost by the wishes of their people and communities. Labour will always be guided by the concerns and priorities of the people of the overseas territories. It is imperative that the relationships between the United Kingdom and each of those territories are built on mutual respect and trust, not just in the FCDO but across the whole of government, as the noble Lord said in his introduction. We need a very clear, joined-up strategy on the way the UK delivers for the overseas territories and their people. All too often we have seen oversights and bureaucratic issues that present unnecessary and enduring difficulties for those living in the overseas territories.
Naturally, to be part of the British family there are obligations which must be fulfilled pertaining to the values we all share, including the protection of human rights, the advancement of good governance and ensuring proper democratic accountability. These are very important points.
I have some specific questions for the Minister on two issues that I suspect are close to his heart. Primarily, can he tell us how the Government, across all departments, are collaborating with the overseas territories to deliver on sustainable development? How are we working to match the goals set out in the 2030 agenda? The climate crisis poses a unique threat to small islands—as the noble Baroness said, most of our British Overseas Territories are small islands. Can the Minister provide an update on the overseas territories biodiversity strategy, which is so vital to their future?
More generally, under Chapter XI of the UN charter, the UK has a responsibility to represent the overseas territories’ interests in the UN system. How does the UK engage with the democratically elected leaders of the BOTs at the UN? How do we ensure that their voices are heard at every level?
The steps that the Government are taking to ensure proper security collaboration with the UK overseas territories are vital to ensure not only our geopolitical reach but that those policies relating to our defence, security and foreign policy are matched. The noble Lord, Lord Lancaster, mentioned sanctions. I agree with him that our overseas territories have been very strong in implementing those policies, but how are we not just supporting them in adopting sanctions but ensuring that they have the capacity to implement and monitor them properly?
Those are vital issues to ensure the future of our relationships globally. I hope the Minister will reflect on the positive elements we are talking about. Across all parties, we share a genuine commitment to the overseas territories.
United Nations Population Fund Report
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Lord Goldsmith of Richmond Park (Con)
I cannot give a date for the return to 0.7% from 0.5%. I hope that happens as soon as possible; I know that view is shared by many in this House. But we remain a significant funder. Between 2015 and 2020, we supported an annual average of 25 million women and girls to use voluntary modern contraception. We believe that, every year, that prevented nearly 9 million unintended pregnancies and 2.8 million unsafe abortions, and saved more than 8,000 women’s lives, as well as preventing the trauma of over 81,000 stillbirths and 48,000 newborn deaths. Since 2018, our aid to the women’s integrated sexual health programme has supported nearly 10 million women to use modern methods of contraception. We believe that in 2021 over 12,000 maternal deaths and 1.8 million unsafe abortions were averted as a direct consequence.
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
My Lords, I totally agree with the noble Baroness’s supplementary question about taking a holistic approach, but the noble Lord keeps quoting spending figures. I respect the Government’s commitment, but they implemented an 85% cut in funding to the UNFPA. Instead of telling us what they are spending, can the Minister tell us what the impact of that 85% cut was on the women’s health programmes on which we have been focused?
Lord Goldsmith of Richmond Park (Con)
My Lords, I cannot put numbers to the noble Lord’s question, but I can say that in our integrated review and the international development strategy—IDS—the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister have set a clear direction and this remains a priority issue. We remain significant global funders. We are a long-standing partner of the UNFPA and we remain a lending funder of its Supplies Partnership, which is dedicated to the procurement and distribution of contraceptives and maternal health medicines in 53 of the world’s poorest countries. The impact of that has been dramatic; I will avoid the temptation to go through the figures, but I do not think anyone doubts the UK’s commitment or the impact of its funding.
Sudan: Refugees
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Lord Goldsmith of Richmond Park (Con)
The most reverend Primate is right; he should perhaps not mince his words so much in describing the Government there. The UK is pursuing every diplomatic avenue we can to bring about an end to violence, establish humanitarian corridors, which are essential, and pave the way for meaningful talks. The Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary and the Minister for Africa have engaged on a regular basis with their counterparts in the region, including with partners in neighbouring countries—Kenya, Djibouti, South Sudan and Egypt—with the African Union and with the Intergovernmental Authority on Development. The Foreign Secretary has also engaged directly through various intermediaries with the two military leaders to press further for a cessation of hostilities, and we will continue to work with the international community in every way we can in order to push for a longer-term and more permanent end to the fighting and a return to talks on transitioning to civilian rule.
I apologise that I did not answer the most reverend Primate’s question about funnelling finance through civil society. He is absolutely right: we do not funnel money through Governments in the region; we rely increasingly on established NGOs on the ground, which are often far better placed to direct that money in a useful manner.
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
My Lords, the announcement today in New York is very welcome, but let us not forget that that pledge still represents a 13% cut on previous commitments to east Africa. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi, said that resources are essential if we are to address this issue. Can the Minister tell us whether, in addition to financial support, we are able to provide technical support to those countries to ensure that proper assistance is given to those refugees? Can he also tell us how we are supporting the African Union’s efforts for peace and stability in that region?
Lord Goldsmith of Richmond Park (Con)
My Lords, we work very closely with the African Union, as I said, and also with neighbouring countries. I cannot add to the data that I have already provided in relation to the financial support we are providing, but I am not sure a 13% cut is correct—I am going to have to get back to the noble Lord if I am wrong about that. However, I think it is the case, based on the figures I have seen, and I will check with the Minister for Africa, that our contribution to the region is increasing, not decreasing, partly as a consequence of the humanitarian crisis that we are discussing today.
Sudan: Civilian Population
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Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
My Lords, the noble and gallant Lord will know that I cannot speculate on his final question. However, we are fully aware of the work of the Wagner Group from emerging reports about possible activities in Sudan and wherever there is a gap, as I have said before at the Dispatch Box. We have seen that the Wagner Group is operating very effectively in the Sahel too, particularly in Mali. There is an added element: this is not just an ordinary mercenary group—it does a deal with whoever is governing or controlling a particular area, so there is a direct economic benefit. I agree with the noble and gallant Lord that this is a very dangerous development, and we certainly do not need the Wagner Group emerging as another threat in Sudan.
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
My Lords, the Minister referred to the humanitarian crisis and the people of Sudan suffering. One area of deep concern is the desperate need for healthcare supplies. The International Committee of the Red Cross and the Red Crescent has 30 tonnes of surgical supplies in Port Sudan being held up by bureaucracy. How are the Government using our partnerships in the region to unblock those supplies to ensure that the needs of the people of Sudan are met?
Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
The noble Lord is correct that supplies are being held up. Some of them of being challenged directly; even the most basic humanitarian support is being interrupted and aid workers continue to be attacked. With the exception, I believe, of the ICRC, there is no operational body on the humanitarian side. However, my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary met this week with the new president of the ICRC, and we are working with near neighbouring countries, particularly Egypt, to ensure we open up key routes. We are also working with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and partners in the Quad to ensure that essential requirements are met, including humanitarian support and medical supplies.
Russia (Sanctions) (EU Exit) (Amendment) Regulations 2023
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Baroness Northover (LD)
My Lords, I thank the Minister for introducing these regulations. As was reiterated again yesterday at Oral Questions, and as the Minister has acknowledged, there is support across the House for the Government’s stance in opposing the Russian invasion of Ukraine and recognising the threat not only to Ukraine but to the whole of Europe. We have supported sanctions on those individuals who have clearly gained by their support of President Putin and are complicit in the actions that he has taken. We have seen, too, how President Putin has used global trade to put pressure on countries that oppose him and to seek to deter other countries from opposing him. Energy prices, food crises and so on all hurt the poorest most, and Putin knows that. The sanctions we are considering today seek to put pressure on Putin’s military resources as well as the Russian economy. The Government argue that this is
“the largest and most severe package of economic sanctions that Russia has ever faced”.
Can the Minister give us a breakdown of the pre- and post-invasion proportion of trade affected by these sanctions?
The Government also say:
“As with all our sanctions, the latest package has been developed in co-ordination with our international partners”.—[Official Report, Commons, Delegated Legislation Committee, 15/7/23; cols. 1-4.]
We agree—we have discussed it many times—that sanctions are most effective when they are brought in by a number of countries, particularly the economic might of the EU and the United States. Can the Minister tell us whether we are completely in lockstep over these or whether there are any variations and, if so, in what areas?
The Delegated Powers Committee wonders why these measures were not brought in before, stating:
“We were particularly perturbed to read in the Explanatory Memorandum that UK goods are still being used by Russia on the battlefield. This prompted us to question how effective the 17 sanctions instruments we have already seen have been”.
It also asked why any trade is still being permitted and speculated that goods found on the battlefield may have been supplied by third countries. I have seen the FCDO response to these questions and concerns, but will the Minister put it on record? Perhaps he could add details of what types of products have been circumventing the sanctions that were already in place and how this was happening.
The committee also asked why the restrictions on iron and steel do not come in until September 2023. The FCDO noted that UK businesses in the sector needed time to prepare for such a ban, and that this aligned with the EU. Why was it concluded that this sector needed time to prepare while others were judged not to need it? How will these sanctions be monitored and enforced, and what happens with contracts already agreed or in the pipeline? I also note that the regulations bring in scope providing financial services to source these materials or brokering them. Are law firms also included? What assessment has been made of the effect on global supply chains of, for example, the inclusion of fertilisers? Are the EU and US also involved in this? Given the effect on developing countries of lack of fertilisers, might this depress prices and increase supplies to them, or will it have a negative effect as the West seeks other sources of supply? Have we looked at the indirect impacts and how these might be mitigated?
I am concerned about the Minister’s second announcement on large bank balances held in the UK. I hear what he says, but this seems like a potential loophole. I look forward to hearing his reply, and meanwhile I welcome in general these sanctions and certainly their intent.
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
My Lords, I know the Minister is fully aware of His Majesty’s Official Opposition’s position in fully supporting the Government in the action they are taking to back Ukraine in its defence against Russian aggression, including providing military, economic and diplomatic support. We fully recognise that this is a fight to maintain the international rules-based order, and such aggression cannot and should not be tolerated. As my noble friend Lord Coaker said yesterday, is not one of the greatest misjudgments that Putin made that Europe would not stand together shoulder to shoulder with Ukraine and would not support Ukraine against his illegal attack, and, even if we did, that support would be limited and short-term? It is therefore extremely welcome to see the solidarity across Europe that President Zelensky received, particularly this weekend in Italy and France. It was especially good to see the German Defence Minister commit to and promise an additional €2.7 million in military aid.
Turning to the regulations, I wish to raise the issue of £50,000 cap, which was a government commitment. I have just been looking at Hansard for yesterday’s debate in the Commons. My honourable friend Catherine West interjected to ask whether there would be an opportunity for the decision not to proceed with this to be properly debated. According to the Minister and the Chair, it was agreed that there would be an opportunity to debate that. I just want to place on record the Opposition’s view that there should be measures such as the cap. If there is a decision not to proceed, what alternative measures are we taking to restrict the flow of finance, particularly when it is so easy to circumvent the £50,000 cap with the use of family members and others? There may be good reasons for not proceeding, but there should be a full debate.
As the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, said, the regulations come into force on 21 April and on 30 September for the iron and steel bans. The Minister mentioned that 30 September was to coincide with the EU equivalent ban, but why is there that time lag? There have been plenty of occasions when we have moved faster on certain sanction measures. It is very important that we act in concert, but we have understood why other countries may move faster than us and so on. We need a better explanation of why all the measures cannot be introduced straightaway.
In his introduction, the Minister mentioned the nature of certain items in these regulations. He particularly identified items found on the battlefield in Ukraine, such as electronic equipment, vehicles, 3D-printing machinery and biotechnology. Given that the sanctions seem to cover mostly electronic items found on the battlefield, has the department or the appropriate authorities in it explored ways to restrict the use of relevant firmware in the area—for example, by blocking the digital export of the firmware necessary for running 3D-printing machines? It would be good to hear how we may be working with our allies to look at ways of dealing with that. Of course, many of the items listed are quite small and easily hidden. What sort of advice and support would be given to the appropriate officials to ensure that they can be properly identified to prevent them reaching Russia?
I turn to the 190 goods, including iron and steel products processed in third countries. I welcome the extremely helpful briefing that I received from the department. It states that they are largely in line with the action taken by our European and US partners. What does “largely” mean? What are the differences? Where have we not been able to replicate fully the measures of our allies, particularly all our NATO allies?
The provision of services was a key part of trade before the Russian invasion. The December 2022 regulations banned the export of advertising, architectural, auditing, engineering, IT consultancy and design services to Russia. That is quite a comprehensive list of banned services. What assessment has been made on the extent of that service ban and its impact? I understand from the briefing that the department may be looking at the provision of legal services and how they may be brought into the scope of those sanctions. Can the Minister give us an update on them?
The briefing also touches on the exceptions for goods that are essential for humanitarian assistance activity. I fully support the need for that, but how are we actively monitoring those exceptions, and how can we be confident that the goods are going for the purpose intended? Obviously, pharmaceuticals and pharma products are important for humanitarian purposes, but they can be used in other ways.
The G7 summit is coming up later this month, and the briefing covers how it will be an opportunity to collaborate with all our allies to increase economic pressure. Will the Minister tell us how we are working towards a much more comprehensive agenda at that meeting?
It is one thing having regulations and laws on sanctions, but another is how we ensure compliance. That is a major issue. I hope that the Minister can tell us how Whitehall departments are working together to ensure compliance. I was thinking about the iron and steel trade and the reasons for the delay in implementation. Has the department looked at how we can incentivise faster implementation of sanctions, not simply giving time for firms to adjust, but considering other options to ensure speedy implementation?
What steps are we taking to raise awareness of the sanctions that we are imposing, so that they become an effective deterrent to those who may be tempted to circumvent them? Whenever sanctions are introduced, people look at every possible way to avoid and circumvent them, particularly with flows going into other countries.
What capacity do we have across Whitehall departments to ensure compliance and to police these sanctions? It would be good to know whether there has been an increase in the relevant staff. There have been stories in the media recently about countries— I mention Cyprus in particular—that have brought in sanctions but then ignore violations for one reason or another; it could be a capacity issue. I hope the Minister can give us an update on those issues and on how we provide support to ensure that our allies fully implement these sanctions.
Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
Before the noble Lord sits down, I just want to be clear. In yesterday’s debate on the Commons, it appears that the Minister was suggesting that there would be an opportunity to debate and vote upon the decision not to proceed with the cap. There may be good reasons for that, but can the noble Lord clarify what that means?
Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
I think I sought to clarify part of that. A vote would come on something that is there already: a statutory instrument was never introduced in that respect and of course the Government, when various announcements were made by the previous Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary, were alluding to a raft of different measures that we would look to evaluate. I know the noble Lord appreciates that, consistent with our approach, we would talk to industry and look to consult effectively to ensure that these are practical measures. As I said in my opening and concluding remarks, the view of the Government, after consulting across government and with industry, is that the most effective way is to target through our sanctions the specific individuals and organisations who directly support Mr Putin.
Just to be clear, although announcements were made on a range of measures, the key votes—I am thankful, again, that we have not had to take any votes on sanctions introduced—are on those measures that have been introduced through statutory instruments. I hope that clarifies the position.