Conflict in the Middle East

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Monday 16th June 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, I thank the Minister for repeating the Statement. We have seen Israel and Iran launch fresh attacks against one another yesterday and, sadly, again today, although it is worth noting that Israel is targeting predominantly nuclear and military sites, whereas Iran seems to be just launching missiles indiscriminately into civilian areas. This is a grave situation and we face the very real possibility that it could yet get a lot worse.

I agree with the Foreign Secretary that our first priority must be to ensure that British citizens in Israel are supported to get out of the region as quickly as possible. It is reported that approximately 40,000 tourists are currently stranded in Israel. As the Minister said, flight routes and land borders have been closed. I appreciate that this is a highly changeable situation, but I hope the Minister can set out the Government’s plans for making sure that British citizens are brought out of harm’s way as quickly as possible.

I totally understand that the Foreign Office is faced with a serious challenge, but we must remember that for British citizens on the ground this is a terrifying and desperately stressful situation. James Eden, a 72 year-old grandfather from my home city of Newcastle, is hoping to take a four-hour bus ride through the Negev and then cross to Egypt before flying home. Despite being a British citizen in a country that the FCDO has now put on its red list, Mr Eden has said of the Foreign Office that all it does is send alerts. On the support that the Foreign Office is providing to help him escape, Mr Eden said, “They are not going to stop me, but they are not going to help me get out of Egypt either”. It is deeply concerning that British citizens are being left in the lurch over their evacuation from what the FCDO has recognised as a high-risk area. I understand the limitations that the Foreign Office has with regard to the closure of airspace, et cetera, but we need to remember that normal people are now in a war zone, and they need all the support, reassurance and help they can get from the Foreign Office in getting out of harm’s way and back home to their families in the UK.

Further to this point, I take the opportunity to ask the Minister what steps the Government are going to take to protect civilians in Israel from falling victim to Iranian rocket attacks. As I said, Iran has deliberately targeted civilian communities in places such as Tel Aviv and Haifa, and the UK has a capacity to support Israel in anti-air operations which will help to protect civilians from further harm. I hope the Minister can update the House on what plans the Government have to use UK assets to defend against Iranian attacks on civilian targets. If this is no longer the ambition of the Government, what has changed since the last time, when the UK military helped to bring down missiles and drones?

Throughout this time of crisis we need to be clear in our resolve that Iran should never have nuclear weapons. Iran has repeatedly defied international conventions, undermined regional peace, and supported extremist groups across the Middle East. It continues to arm and finance proxies responsible for violence in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Yemen and, of course, Israel. Iranian leaders have been brutally clear in their stated desire to completely eradicate the State of Israel, and we should listen to what they have said on this. A nuclear-armed Iran would not be a stabilising force—far from it. It would be a threat multiplier, emboldening aggression, enabling coercion, and potentially triggering a regional arms race from which it may not be possible to return. We must never allow the bankrollers of Hezbollah, the Houthis, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad to gain access to that sort of weaponry.

As the Minister said, the IAEA has said that as of 17 May Iran has amassed 408 kilograms of uranium, enriched up to 60%. That material is a short technical step away from weapons-grade levels of 90%. The agency has said that Iran is now

“the only non-nuclear-weapon state to produce such material”,

which is of “serious concern”. That is enough uranium to make several nuclear bombs. The Iranian Government have always claimed that they want to master nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, but this, as the IAEA has made clear, is palpable nonsense. We should be working with and fully supporting our allies, including Israel, to ensure that Iran never has access to this sort of weaponry. The warning signs are flashing and I hope the Minister can tell us what steps the Government are taking now to make sure that this fear is not realised. Israel is engaged in an existential fight for its own survival as a nation, but it is also fighting dangerous religious extremism on behalf of the rest of the liberal free world. It should have our full support in that fight.

With regard to the announcement about sanctions last week, it is now more important than ever that we maintain a constructive, effective and open dialogue with Israel. We must be clear that we support it and its civilians when they are targeted by Iran, which has killed numerous civilians in its attacks over the weekend. Can the Minister assure the House that the relationship and leverage so often referred to by the Government have not been negatively affected by the decision to sanction the Israeli Finance and National Security Ministers? I would also appreciate further clarification from the Minister about why this decision was reached. The sanctions imposed on Mr Ben-Gvir and Mr Smotrich —who have said, I completely agree, many outrageous things—ban them from entering the UK and freeze any assets that they have in the United Kingdom. Can the Minister explain why these specific sanctions were chosen? Was there a high chance that Messrs Ben-Gvir and Smotrich would travel to the UK to

“incite violence against the Palestinian people”?

Do these men have substantial assets in the UK which would enable them to do this?

We must ensure that we approach matters of this importance and delicacy with a clear strategy and an eye to the future. We cannot make decisions which seriously change our international relations merely to appease political support from certain sections of society, some of them in this country. In the face of this deeply volatile and dangerous moment in the Middle East, the Government must demonstrate clarity, consistency and compassion. British citizens stranded in a conflict zone must be our immediate priority, as the Minister has said. At the same time, we must stand firm with our allies against attacks on civilians, ensuring that the UK does all it can to uphold international security. That means using our diplomatic leverage wisely, not undermining it through ill-considered sanctions that risk damaging vital relationships. Above all, we must maintain our unwavering resolve to prevent Iran, a state that arms violent proxies and threatens regional peace, from ever acquiring nuclear weapons. The challenges are immense, but so, too, is our responsibility, so I urge the Minister to set out today how the Government will meet this moment with the seriousness and the strategic foresight that it demands.

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

I thank the Minister for repeating the Statement made today. I start by referring to the previous Statement on the designations. I have previously described in the House a visit that I made to a destroyed Palestinian village, Zanuta. The community education room in that village, which was co-funded by the UK taxpayer, was bulldozed and the community remains uninhabitable. That is just one example—of too many—of illegal actions by settlers in Palestine. It was an egregious example, not just because we paid for part of the facilities but because it was done in direct line of sight of a local authority justice centre and court. The IDF offers informal—as it says—policing, which is there to prevent Palestinians returning.

Outposts, illegal even under Israeli law, have been expanding, while the violence against the Palestinian communities, which is also illegal under international law, has been not only conducted with impunity but promoted, facilitated and incited. These Benches therefore welcome the measures that the Government have introduced—indeed, the Minister knows that we have called for them for over 18 months—but, as the situation has deteriorated over that period and Palestinians have come under further unjustified violence, we need to expand these measures to include those who are financing and facilitating. If, as I understand it, these measures are being introduced under the human rights regime, those who are supporting those designated can be covered within the expanded remit. Perhaps the Minister could confirm that that is the case.

These Benches believe that this is now the time to recognise a state of Palestine. Not only is it imperative that we do so to prevent further abuses of international humanitarian law, but we are sanctioning those who say that there should be no process at all. The Government’s position is that we should recognise Palestine as part of a process. It is now becoming apparent that there are very many people who do not believe in a process at all.

Lastly on Gaza, we have seen just today more Palestinian civilians killed while simply pleading for food in Gaza. The UK must act urgently to work with others to close the GHF and prevent the use of profiteering mercenaries and to immediately restore safe routes of supply for food and medicine.

Over the weekend, as the Minister referred to, people across the UK have watched with horror as war has broken out between Israel and Iran. This is, as noble Lords have said, a very serious moment for peace and security in the world and here at home. We have seen the start of yet another conflict where civilians are casualties; indeed, both Israeli and Iranian targets have been within densely populated areas and, as we have heard, Iran is offering little discrimination with regard to its responses.

It is worth stating two important principles. The first is that the State of Israel has a right to exist and to defend itself, and the stated goal of the state of Iran to wipe out the State of Israel is contrary to international law and unacceptable. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps continues to seek to suppress its opponents in the UK, and we have called for that organisation to be proscribed. The Foreign Secretary told the House of Commons that we are awaiting promised legislative reforms to close “gaps” that the “state threats” of Iran have been exploiting. Can the Minister tell us what the timetable of that is going to be?

Secondly, Iran’s ambition to create a nuclear weapon to menace the region is also a threat to UK interests, and successive Governments have been right to seek to contain that risk. They have also been right, working with allies through the E3 process, to pursue that through diplomatic means. That is why the actions of the Netanyahu Administration are a huge gamble. It is perhaps an ambition of the United States to carry on diplomatic means. While the first Trump Administration was wrong to withdraw from the JCPOA, the second has been right to seek that diplomatic track. Could the Minister update us on our latest contacts with the United States Administration on their efforts on diplomacy? The danger in war is that any ambition for the diplomatic route could be derailed and the Iranian regime may end up being even less transparent and reduce diplomatic routes even further. The degraded capacity of an Iranian regime could be even harder to contain if it is seeking to expand and attack UK and our allies’ interests.

Whether it is Netanyahu seeking to involve the USA in regime change in Tehran or Tehran itself seeking to expand and threaten trade and energy supplies and their routes, this is an extremely difficult moment. The danger is real and the threat to the UK—as the Minister said, not only to the UK but to our key allies, Jordan and Iraq in particular—is apparent.

We should heed the advice and the warnings of the IAEA director-general, Rafael Grossi, who said in a statement today:

“Military escalation threatens lives, increases the chance of a radiological release with serious consequences for people and the environment, and delays indispensable work towards a diplomatic solution for the long-term assurance that Iran does not acquire a nuclear weapon”.


We on these Benches agree with him, and we welcome the Foreign Secretary stating that he will be working with E3 allies and be in contact with Tehran this evening. Could the Minister outline the context of what we are seeking? Are we seeking to put the E3 process back on track, or are there any other allies that we can work with on the diplomatic route?

Regrettably, we need to plan for the worst even though we may hope for the best in diplomacy. Those British citizens living in the Middle East will be extremely anxious this evening. Can the Minister confirm that adequate additional resources have been deployed to provide consular support to them, and that—working with allies, including the EU—contingency plans are being developed to support their evacuation should it become necessary?

Israel: Arab Israeli and Jewish Israeli Communities

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Monday 16th June 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I could not agree more with the noble Baroness. Another important element of this is not only to ensure that a range of communities are properly represented in the future but to focus on our women, peace, and security agenda. Women can play an important role there too, and I am committed to that. We will have plenty of opportunity to address the big picture in our debate on the Statements tonight, but I repeat that, underneath all that, there is a real strong desire on the ground for intercommunity and interfaith organisations, and for economic development to lift people out of the situation they are in.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, it is vital that UK Aid funds genuinely beneficial operations and organisations which seek to alleviate and promote peaceful coexistence in the region. Can the Minister confirm how regularly the FCDO audits or reviews the activities of NGOs and grass-roots organisations receiving UK funding in the region, and whether any UK-funded organisations operating in Israel or the Occupied Palestinian Territories have ever been subject to investigation for links to proscribed groups?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I cannot give the noble Lord a direct answer because I am not sure in which direction his question is going, but I assure him that the FCDO regularly audits its contributions, not least to ensure that the UK taxpayer has value for money. If there are any reports that raise concerns about how money might be being used not in accordance with the original grant then of course we will investigate them. If the noble Lord has information that I am not aware of, perhaps he can let me have it later.

Cluster Munitions Convention: Article 21

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Monday 9th June 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My Lords, it may be that my noble friend has saved me some time, but I repeat that since the CMM came into operation in 2010, we have done exactly that. We have co-operated with states which are not party to the agreement. My noble friend is right.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Browne, highlights an important point. A number of fellow NATO states have withdrawn from the convention or never joined it in the first place. Russia did not sign up to it initially. There is an obligation under the convention, to which Gordon Brown signed us up, to make representations to non-member states. Have the Government done that formally to some of our closest allies?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Absolutely; we are committed to it. During my time as a Minister, I have seen first-hand the positive impact of the United Kingdom’s involvement in this. I pay tribute to the fantastic work of the Halo Trust. When I was in Angola, I visited areas that were severely contaminated by such weapons, which impacted hugely on the safety of civilians and their ability to re-establish their economy after such a long period of war. To come back to the fundamental point about Article 21, I am not making a judgment. We work with our allies—particularly Ukraine, which is facing Russian aggression. Russia is also bombing civilian cities and attacking civilians and civilian buses. We are committed to defending Ukraine and its right to defend itself. However, we must be clear. The important point about the convention is how it tries to stop this huge impact of remnants of war. There have been 10 years of peace in Angola, yet people are still dying from these munitions.

United Nations International Day of Peace

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Monday 9th June 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I have to confess that I did not have time over the weekend—sadly, I was not in the country—but I accept what the noble Lord says. It is absolutely vital that accountability is part of the mechanisms that we have to use here. He is right that it is about how we prevent these atrocities, and one sure way of preventing it is to make it clear to people who are thinking about committing such atrocities that they will be held to account. I agree with the noble Lord, but, as he focused on genocide determination, I repeat that our differences over that do not prevent us as a Government taking action to call out and seek to address atrocities, and to work to build resilience in places where there are risks of instability and violence. Sudan is a priority for this Government, as the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary have made clear. We will certainly pursue whatever we can in holding people to account to prevent such atrocities occurring or to stop those that are going on at the moment.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, it is indeed a sad irony, given the number of appalling conflicts afflicting the world at the moment, that the International Day of Peace has a lot of heavy lifting to do. What assessments have the Government made of the impact of aid reductions on peacebuilding on some of the fragile and conflict-affected states, particularly in the light of this International Day of Peace?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The important thing is not to take our eye off the ball and to focus on how we can achieve peace. A classic example of that is in the eastern DRC, where conflict is raging but we do not see too much attention being placed on it. I have been in constant touch with the President of Angola, who initiated the first ceasefire, and with President Tshisekedi and President Kagame about how they can approach it. We now have the Americans playing a critical role in Doha in bringing the parties together. We are absolutely focused on using all the tools in our toolkit to ensure peace. The most important part of that toolkit is our diplomacy and re-engaging on the international stage, which, sadly, was a little missing for the last 14 years.

Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Monday 9th June 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, the events that we are seeing in Gaza, and that we have witnessed in recent weeks, are truly harrowing. It is evident that dramatic change is needed from the current situation; the level of suffering ongoing in the region on all sides is intolerable. We are clear that the deaths and casualties near aid distribution centres should never have happened. I note that public threats were issued by Hamas towards any civilians trying to access those aid points. Will the Minister inform the House what discussions have taken place with Israel about those events and the status of any investigations?

I am sure that the whole House is agreed that the Government should do all they can to try to stop and alleviate this humanitarian crisis, which is escalating in the region. Britain must leverage its influence to get more aid in, to see the hostages released, and to end the terminal situation with Hamas, to achieve a proper, sustainable end to the conflict. It is only after this work has been done that we can begin to progress towards a better long-term future for the Palestinian and Israeli people.

We must never forget those who remain in Hamas captivity. Some 58 hostages remain in the hands of this murderous terrorist organisation. They have now been in captivity for well over 600 days. We have always been clear that they must be released. We are aware of initiatives put forward by the United States, and that these latest proposals have been rejected by Hamas. So I ask the Minister: what pressure are the Government exerting on Hamas, perhaps working through sympathetic Arab Governments, to get them to reverse their opposition to those plans? What steps do the Government intend to take next to secure the release of the hostages? As I am sure the Minister is well aware, this is the only true way that we will ever resolve this conflict.

Turning to the West Bank, I am aware that the Government recently signed a memorandum of understanding with the Palestinian Authority. Can the Minister please provide an update on the Authority’s progress on reform and governance since that time? Strengthening credible governance will be essential to long-term peace. We need assurance from the Government that they are confident that these vital steps are being taken. It is, after all, essential, if we are ever to ensure that Hamas does not maintain a grip over the region, that the Palestinian Authority is strengthened and reformed. That is also the only way that we will ever reach a viable two-state solution.

I want to take a moment to speak about last week’s Gaza demonstration outside this House. Of course, I am proud that this is a free country. Everyone is entitled to protest and to make their point. However, there were numerous reports of Peers from all sides of this House being jostled, harassed, videoed and shouted at—including disabled Members of this House. A letter has been sent to the Lord Speaker regarding some of the security failings. That demonstration was attended and supported by about a dozen Labour Members of the other place. I would be interested to hear the Minister’s comments on whether he considers that sort of behaviour to be acceptable.

The gravity of the situation escalating in Gaza means that the Government must leverage all the influence that they have in the region to try to end the suffering that we are seeing. The UK has both the diplomatic tools and the moral responsibility to press for meaningful change. That means doing all it can to ensure that aid reaches those in need, that hostages are returned to their families, and that Hamas is prevented from continuing its campaign of terror. It also means supporting the reform and stabilisation of Palestinian governance as an essential foundation for a viable two-state solution. I hope that the Minister will be able to respond to these points in his reply.

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, we are witnessing both the systematic collective punishment and brutalisation of a civilian population combined with the weaponisation of food and medicine. A Government have made a decision to annex land that is not theirs and to put women and children, whose only sin is seeking aid, in the position of being at risk of literally starving to death. These are war crimes. Civilians are dying daily from gunshot wounds inflicted as they queue for food. Yesterday, the head of Save the Children US said it is reported that children who require surgery are waking up during that surgery because there is insufficient anaesthetic.

In the catalogue of horror in recent days, we know three incontrovertible facts. First, Prime Minister Netanyahu’s approach has not ended Hamas’s continued criminal and terrorist presence. The trauma of hostage families continues and now, for too many, it has turned into despair. Secondly, we see unabated the approach of extremist Ministers to forcibly and illegally occupy new territory. Thirdly, the sincerely meant and genuine concern of Ministers in the UK and elsewhere is having next to no effect in preventing it.

The time for timid behaviour is therefore over. These Benches have consistently called for the Government to take firm action, and they must do so now. We called for the sanctioning of extremist Ministers Ben-Gvir and Smotrich 18 months ago because we knew we needed clear preventative action. Given that the legal text of what we called for is on Ministers’ desks, why are the Government not implementing those sanctions, demonstrating that the UK will no longer tolerate calls for Palestinian dispossession?

We must cease all trade in the areas affected by these because Netanyahu’s Ministers claim that illegal outposts and settlements are Israeli land, which they are not. Why has the UK not expanded action to those Ministers and Members of the Knesset who support a continuation of the blockade of aid and call for annexation? Why has the UK not ceased all arms trading with the Netanyahu Government until they adhere to international humanitarian law?

The Minister in the House of Commons was asked last week our Government’s view of the ICJ advisory opinion on the Netanyahu Government that their

“policies and practices are contrary to the prohibition of forcible transfer of the protected population under … Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention”.

He replied:

“We continue to consider the ICJ’s advisory opinion with the seriousness that it deserves”.—[Official Report, Commons, 4/6/25; col. 342.]


I remind the House that the opinion was in July last year. Surely the Government cannot any longer simply consider the opinion but should act on it. When Ministers tell me the Government act on the advisory opinion of the ICJ on the Chagos Islands but not on Gaza, I say to the Government that we must not have double standards.

As I said at the start of these questions to the Minister, we are a witness to history—one where we look with daily horror at the continuing unconscionable cruelty to children. But we are a Parliament, not just a witness. We must now, with urgency and clarity, provide action that is not too late to seek to prevent the annexation of Gaza and the West Bank, with the UK leading others in recognising the state of Palestine, showing beyond doubt the UK’s commitment to Palestinians’ right to self-determination and a two-state solution. With that and the other actions that these Benches have outlined, we might at least try to restore a process that a ceasefire could start and which could then be established and honoured, and there could be some respite for those being so terribly brutalised.

Alaa Abd el-Fattah

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Wednesday 4th June 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I share my noble friend’s concern about the condition of Laila. We are very, very concerned, and we remain in constant touch with the family about her condition. Let me just remind my noble friend what I have told the House. The Prime Minister raised Mr el-Fattah’s case with Egyptian President Sisi on 22 May, and previously wrote to President Sisi on 4 May. The Foreign Secretary has also discussed Mr el-Fattah’s case with the Egyptian Foreign Minister on a number of occasions and spoke again on 1 June to press the urgency of the situation. Minister Falconer has certainly discussed this case multiple times with the Foreign Minister of Egypt, most recently on 25 May, and with the ambassador on 31 May. The National Security Adviser, Jonathan Powell, raised Mr el-Fattah’s case in a phone call with the Foreign Minister on 27 April. Let me reassure the House that we are absolutely determined to ensure that Mr el-Fattah is released, and we are maintaining that contact at the very highest levels.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, all sides of the House are, I think, united on the point that Mr el-Fattah’s continued detention in Egypt is an incredibly serious matter. As my noble friend said, the UN has concluded that he is being held arbitrarily by the Egyptian authorities and should therefore be released immediately under international law, which the Egyptian Government are breaking. The UN panel set a six-month deadline for the authorities to release Mr el-Fattah and investigate the violation of his rights. Can the Minister please update the House on what the Government plan to do if that six-month deadline is allowed to elapse with no change in the situation?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

On the UN decision, it is for Egypt, as the state detaining Alaa, to respond to the recommendations of the working group, which does not have the same sort of legal status. We take the working group’s findings absolutely seriously, which is why we have been consistent in calling for Alaa’s release. I repeat that the Egyptian authorities have to respond to that working group’s report. As far as we are concerned, we are determined to follow our bilateral approach at the highest possible levels to make the strongest possible case.

BBC World Service

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Monday 2nd June 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Baroness is absolutely right, but I would make one correction—the figure is 70%. The point is that, prior to 2010, all the BBC World Service was independent, and it was the settlement the previous Government made as a consequence that shifted the responsibility on to the BBC. However, we did react when we felt that there was no focus, through the uplift and the grant from the FCDO. All the evidence points to the fact that this Government are absolutely committed to the BBC World Service, and we did provide an uplift this year, but I cannot comment on future years. The question originates from that long-term solution, and we are committed to using the charter review to make sure that we come up with an innovative solution that will be sustainable in the long term to ensure the future of the BBC World Service.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, the BBC World Service is one of the world’s leading international radio broadcasters, with over 450 million listeners every week. However, it is vital in this multimedia world that the World Service moves with the times and remains competitive and relevant, so will the noble Lord outline to the House the Government’s view on how the World Service can tailor its content and format for a digital-native audience, especially the younger generations?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord is absolutely right. One of the points of this year’s uplift was to guarantee the continued presence of 42 language-based services, but over a range of platforms, so it is not just limited to normal radio and TV. The BBC has been looking at a range of platforms to ensure that its reach is maintained. Of course, the BBC is prioritising its service as a whole, both domestically and globally. The reach of the BBC goes beyond that of the World Service, and I hope that continues to be so.

Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Thursday 22nd May 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, I begin by joining others in acknowledging the scale of the humanitarian crisis that we are seeing in Gaza. Lives are being lost and people are suffering immensely. We on these Benches join with all noble Lords across the House, I am sure, in our hope that the conflict is brought to a conclusion as quickly as possible.

I appreciate that the UK’s position and influence in this matter is somewhat limited, and probably even more so now, but we must never forget that this conflict started when Hamas—a repulsive terrorist organisation—undertook a murderous and viscerally antisemitic attack on innocent people. That attack was not just limited to a single day; the attack on 7 October continues every single day that hostages remain in Hamas’s captivity. Israel has the right to defend itself against this ongoing attack, and returning the hostages to their families is a righteous objective. We must support it in this effort and use our diplomatic efforts to help to facilitate that.

I therefore ask the Minister what engagement the Government have had with key stakeholders in the region to help to secure the release of those people who remain in Hamas’s hands. Has the UK helped to develop an overall strategy for getting these sons, daughters, brothers and sisters returned to their families? The only way that we can resolve this conflict is by getting these hostages home, and the Government must be able to demonstrate that they are taking practical steps to facilitate this.

While the conflict is ongoing, getting aid to those who need it most is a key practical priority, I hope, for the Government. Noble Lords may recall our debate last week on the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. The Government refused to consider this as an alternative measure to UNRWA, which is itself connected to the attacks on 7 October—the event that started this conflict in the first place. The Israeli Government are rightly extremely suspicious of UNRWA, given its record of working with Hamas and turning a blind eye to its facilities being abused for tunnel construction. The Government seemingly remain committed to supporting the current failing model. Can the Minister please update the House on what the Government are doing to help to get aid into Gaza? What discussions have they had with representatives from other countries to make sure that aid gets to those who need it and is not stolen by Hamas? Can he tell the House what steps the Government have taken to ensure that no UK aid gets into the hands of Hamas?

Finally, we are clear—and I know the Minister has said this a number of times—that Hamas will never be part of any future Government in Gaza. In the Prime Minister’s statement the other day, he threatened the Israeli Government with further “concrete” steps if they do not comply with his demands. Can the Minister give us an example of what these concrete steps will be, or will it be like King Lear to his daughters:

“I will do such things—


What they are yet I know not, but they shall be

The terrors of the Earth!”?

Finally, following on from the memorandum of understanding that was reached between the UK and the Palestinian Authority last month, can the Minister say what progress has been made in holding the Palestinian Authority to undertaking serious, measurable and tangible reforms on corruption, education, welfare policy and democracy to help to strengthen resilience against the threat of Hamas in the future? Will the Minister update the House on what work the Government are doing with the Palestinian Authority to advance progress in these areas? Can he assure us that these are discussed in talks with partners in the authority?

We all support a swift end to this conflict, which has cost far too many lives on all sides and has led to an incredible amount of suffering across the region. We need to recognise the practical steps that we in the UK can take to support this resolution and help those who are in need in the region. To that end, I hope that the Minister will be able to cover the questions that I have raised, showing what steps we are taking today to return the hostages, get aid in and, crucially, make sure that Hamas is finally eradicated.

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, it would be utterly inconceivable for us to even imagine walking out of this Parliament building and witnessing every child in London being forcibly walked with their mother to Slough and back again three times, on foot, and offered no shelter or medicine, or sanitary products, if they are a girl, and now, with no food, literally facing dying of starvation. This apocalyptic view would be utterly inconceivable to us, but it is the reality in Gaza.

Now we see, as a result of choices being made at a political level by the political Administration in Israel, a secretive foundation set up as a Swiss Stiftung to finance profiteering mercenaries to weaponise food and medicine to children in an illegally occupied land, which plumbs new depths of moral bankruptcy in the provision of that assistance. Can the Minister first of all guarantee that not a penny of British money will be channelled through this route?

Among this utter horror, hostage families are still going through torture. Indeed, for those families I have seen and spoken to, speaking out against the Netanyahu Administration is extremely moving, because they are still in a situation where their loved ones are not home and they do not even know if many are alive.

I welcome the Government’s Statement and their intent, but I wish to press the Minister that it is time for the Government to go even further. Since the Statement in the Commons earlier this week, now even a British official, carrying out their diplomatic role in a territory that they have an absolute right under international law to access, has been under fire as a result of a so-called warning shot—which is euphemistic—in streets that I have literally walked and where British officials carry out their business. What action have the UK Government taken as a result of this shocking incident?

Since the Statement, Benjamin Netanyahu has confirmed what other extremist Ministers have said, which is that his Government’s policy is now to illegally annex territory, which they have no international legal right to do. Given that this is now his Government's clear policy, it needs to be the UK Government’s policy to move on the recognition of Palestine as a state with urgency. I therefore urge the Minister to take up my noble friend Lady Northover’s Bill in this House and move ahead with the clearest possible intent to prevent illegal annexation and subjugation.

These Benches have regretted that there has been a lack of action since last February, when we called for the wider and expanded sanctioning of those Ministers in the Netanyahu Administration who had sought repression in the West Bank and had activated illegal outposts and settler violence. That, combined with what we now see—the collective punishment of civilians within Gaza—means that those responsible need to be sanctioned by the UK, and there should be no impunity for the tragedy that is being inflicted on civilians there. This means that our Government and our partners need to act.

On the security of the aid being provided, there is of course justification with regard to concerns that Hamas has sought to loot aid, to commercialise aid and to prevent it at the source. However, the time when we have seen the most effective delivery of aid has been when UNRWA has been provided with the ability to do so, with a Palestinian Authority police force, supported by British assistance, able to provide security and get the aid through. Will the Government offer urgent assistance to the Palestinian Authority police forces to ensure that aid, once over the border, can be provided securely?

I remind the House that there is over 100,000 tonnes of aid waiting to get into Gaza and it is being blocked unjustifiably. Will the Government make a clear statement that, until this is allowed through, Prime Minister Netanyahu and other Ministers are not welcome in the United Kingdom, as this would be not conducive to our public good?

Finally, can the Government press the International Court of Justice to accelerate its work to ensure that there is, as we all wish to see, an international standard that international humanitarian law is adhered to and those responsible for its breach are held to account?

Jimmy Lai

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Thursday 22nd May 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I said in my opening comments that this Government are absolutely committed to pursuing this case and we will do so at all levels. Certainly, the Foreign Secretary has done so, but so has the Prime Minister in his meeting with President Xi. I know that Minister West has also met with Jimmy Lai’s son—I think he is present here—and we will continue to do so. It is really important that we highlight this case at every single opportunity.

The noble Lord mentioned normalisation of relationships. Of course, China is a big economic player globally, but we are absolutely taking a consistent, long-term strategic approach in managing our relationships, rooted in those interests. We will co-operate where we can and compete where we need to but, most importantly, challenge when we need to.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, I too send my best wishes to the right reverend Prelate on his retirement.

It is worth repeating that Jimmy Lai has now been detained in solitary confinement for 1,600 days. He is an elderly, ill British citizen. I too was privileged to meet his son Sebastien yesterday. His case is, of course, just another example of the tyrannous and repressive nature of the current Chinese Government. President Trump, to his credit, said that Jimmy’s case will be on the table during US-China trade talks. Can the Minister reassure the House that the case is equally important to the UK Government?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I repeat: it is absolutely important. Jimmy Lai is a British citizen, which the Chinese of course deny because he is a dual national. But we have absolutely remained committed to raising his case at every opportunity and we will continue to do so. I am grateful to the right reverend Prelate for raising this case today, because it is up to us all of us to constantly raise it to ensure that we never forget Jimmy Lai’s situation.

Sudan: Ceasefire Talks

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Tuesday 20th May 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I can confirm that. The noble and gallant Lord knows better than most that Russia’s actions, particularly in Sudan, have been to ensure the war continues. It has been actively engaged in both sides. He is absolutely right; we know what Russia is doing, and we are ensuring that we focus on those institutions through which we can develop a way forward that supports African-led and civilian-led Sudanese government. That is our priority.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, as my noble friend Lady Anelay reminded us, the violence in Sudan is exacting a massive toll on innocent civilians. The level of human suffering, as the Minister will be aware, is unconscionable. Millions of people need urgent humanitarian assistance, and the UK has a moral obligation to do all it can to end the fighting. In addition to sanctions, what steps can the Government take to put pressure on the leadership of the Rapid Support Forces and the Sudanese Armed Forces to cease their violence?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The Foreign Secretary convened the conference on 15 April precisely to do that: to bring all regional parties together to focus on ways for peace. The fact that we had co-sponsorship with the African Union was really important. Do not underestimate the impact of that conference. We are following through with the chair’s declarations from that conference. We are focused on trying to end this evil war.