Conflict in Gaza

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Monday 24th March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, I am sure that Members across both Houses mourn the many innocent lives lost to date in this appalling conflict. I know that colleagues on all sides of your Lordships’ House will join me in sending our sympathies and thoughts to all those who have been affected, including the British national injured in last week’s air strikes.

In his Statement in the other place last week, the Foreign Secretary confirmed that he was in the process of making representations to the Israeli Government to find out more about the investigations they were undertaking into the recent air strikes that were undertaken against targets in Gaza. Could the Minister provide an update to the House on the outcome of those talks and any information the Foreign Secretary has received from his Israeli counterparts?

This conflict has seen death, destruction and human suffering across a large area of the Middle East. Many lives have been irrevocably changed, and futures are uncertain for many thousands of people. We must never forget that the fault for this tragic situation lies squarely with Hamas—a murderous, viscerally antisemitic terrorist organisation. It kidnapped children, raped and mutilated women and girls, and massacred young people who were simply enjoying a music festival. According to Israeli news reports, Hamas has now fired over 4,300 rockets at civilian targets and inflicted the single deadliest anti-Jewish pogrom since the Holocaust. Hamas has deliberately entrenched itself in civilian communities to bring innocent people into the line of fire in the war that it has itself created, and it has acted in a way designed and intended to bring about the maximum amount of suffering for civilians across the region.

The power to end this conflict lies with Hamas. It could agree to release the people it has imprisoned as hostages now and avert any further escalation in this conflict. I therefore ask the Minister: what are the Government doing to support efforts to secure the release of the hostages? Do the Government believe that phase 2 of the ceasefire remains within reach or are alternative solutions being considered? What are the Government doing to make sure that Hamas will never have a role in Gaza’s future?

The UK’s relationship with Israel is vital to ensure that we can support those affected by this terrible conflict and the only way that we can play a role in bringing it to an end. Israel must continue to see the UK as a trusted partner if we are to continue to play a role not only in bringing about an end to this war but in supporting peace and stability across the entire Middle East. I therefore ask the Minister what the Government are doing to strengthen this relationship. Have the comments made by the Foreign Secretary last week, which I am pleased to say he has now withdrawn, affected the trust between our two nations?

Finally, ensuring that aid gets to those communities affected by this conflict is one of the most important roles we can play amid the suffering that is taking place. Thousands of innocent people are suffering and we must do all we can to make sure that food and medicine get to those who need it. I close by asking the Minister what discussions the Government have held with the Israeli Government on the question of getting aid routes unblocked. What has happened to British aid that is already present in the region or en route? Furthermore, what assessment have the Government made of how we can better support the affected communities? What more could we be doing to support the vital work of the International Committee of the Red Cross?

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, the ferocity of the return to war has shocked many. Even in the days since the Statement was made in the House of Commons, we have seen strikes within Lebanese territory as well. Can the Minister update us on the contact His Majesty’s Government have had with the Lebanese Government regarding to the situation in Lebanon? I have twice asked the Development Minister, the noble Baroness, Lady Chapman, whether she would be open to meeting with me and female Lebanese MPs who are at the heart of trying to design reconstruction that does not entrench the confessional system but offers new hope.

But, alas, with the strikes in Lebanon, that hope, as well as that with regard to the hostage families, must now be teetering. Indeed, reading, as I did—I quoted it in the Chamber—the statement from the hostage families of their shock and anger at the Netanyahu Government’s resumption of war was really depressing, because it dashes what many have had: finally, the prospect of hope. So can the Minister update us on the Government’s assessment of the process that was brokered by Qatar? Is it a process that the Government consider can still be retrieved or do the actions we are seeing within Gaza and Lebanon now require a separate process? What discussions have the Government had with our Qatari and Egyptian colleagues?

It should be noted that the restart of the war has seen an even higher proportion of victims being women and children than before the ceasefire. The availability of food and medicine is even less than it was then. Yet again, civilians are being treated disproportionately and are also being forcibly moved to new areas where there is no food, shelter, water or medicine. That qualifies as a war crime. I asked the Minister last week whether it was the Government’s view that there is a prima facie case of international human humanitarian law being breached. What actions are we taking beyond those taken last July with the limited suspension of certain export licences?

I turn to the Arab peace plan and the Government’s assessment of the overall prospects for reconstruction if there is some form of peace—even though not many people will be optimistic about that. What faith can we put in the judgment of the United States envoy, Steve Witkoff, who the Foreign Secretary said in his Statement we were speaking to but who in recent days has ridiculed our Prime Minister as a poseur and posturer over Ukraine, regards the war criminal Putin not as a war criminal or a bad guy but as a gracious and good guy, and has said that Ukraine is “a false country”? If that is the envoy’s judgment on Ukraine, what faith can we have in his judgment on the reconstruction of Gaza? What is our position on the Arab plan? Is it one that the United Kingdom is supporting directly or are we sympathetic to what the Trump Administration have been saying?

We have also, regrettably, seen certain extremist elements of Israeli politics rejoin the Netanyahu Administration. This is of concern not just to people in this Parliament but to civil society in Israel itself. We have seen the attacks on the judiciary, the statements for annexation of parts of the Occupied Palestinian Territories, the unprecedented sacking of the internal intelligence chief and the active encouragement of settler violence. Most surely, we cannot have a relationship with the Netanyahu Administration in the normal manner. So, what actions are the UK taking to prevent settler violence and annexation? What are our red lines for our diplomatic relations with the Netanyahu Administration?

Finally, one of the issues that must now be an imperative is recognition, because, even at a time of great humanitarian danger, there is one element we can provide: hope for statehood. We had a very good debate—and all Members were able to express their views, in favour and against—on the recognition Bill brought by my noble friend Lady Northover. I understand that it is the Government’s position that now is not the time for recognition and that they will make a judgment on when it is the appropriate time for recognition. What factors would need to be in place that are not in place now for us to consider that the time would be right? At the end of the day, with the danger that the civilians are seeing, one of the elements that can provide hope is recognition. These Benches believe in this, and I hope the Government can at least move and give more hope to the Palestinian people.

Gaza: Ceasefire

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Tuesday 18th March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The Foreign Secretary’s and the Government’s position remains that Israel’s action in Gaza is at a clear risk of breaching international humanitarian law. Our international humanitarian law assessments have raised concerns about possible breaches of IHL in the areas of humanitarian access and the treatment of detainees, and we took decisive action on 2 September, suspending all licences for the IDF. We have also been clear that the Government are not an international court, and we therefore could not arbitrate on whether Israel has breached international humanitarian law.

However, I can be clear to the right reverend Prelate that humanitarian aid should never be used as a political tool. Israel must restart the flow of aid immediately. The Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary have both made it clear that we are appalled by Israel blocking aid when it is needed at greater volume and speed than ever before. Blocking goods, supplies and power entering Gaza risks breaching international humanitarian law and should not be happening. We are doing everything we can to alleviate the situation. It is disappointing to hear reports that the Rafah crossing has now closed to medical evacuations. This is a desperate situation, and we urge all parties to return to the table.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, as we speak, the APPG on UK-Israel is launching the 7 October Parliamentary Commission Report, chaired by the noble Lord, Lord Roberts of Belgravia. That report systematically documents the appalling abuses of that day—the rapes, the mutilations and the slaughter. In the midst of this terrible situation, there is one incontrovertible truism: Hamas is still holding dozens of those hostages who they abducted on that day and who have now been in captivity for well over a year. Does the Minister agree that the entire international community should be united in calling for the immediate release of those hostages, and that that will help to bring this terrible situation to an end?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I believe the international community is united. I thank Qatar, Egypt and the US for their support in bringing those individuals who have been released back to their families. Our thoughts are very much with those still waiting to be reunited with their loved ones, including the family of the UK-linked hostage, Avinatan Or. The simple fact is that release of the hostages is a vital component of the ceasefire deal, and it is the ceasefire deal that we have to be focused on to ensure that the hostages are released, that there is peace back in Gaza and that we get humanitarian aid in there, which is essential.

Media Freedom Coalition

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Monday 17th March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The Prime Minister has announced a strategic vision for spending on defence and security. This has the impact on ODA that the noble Lord has mentioned, but the Government are absolutely committed to a significant development role. We will make detailed decisions on how the ODA budget will be used. We will work through this, as part of the ongoing spending review, on the basis of various factors, including impact assessments. I will not predict or predetermine what that review will undertake, but I have been very clear in my responses about the importance of media freedom to our security.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, press freedom in Syria was severely limited under the Assad regime, when many journalists were imprisoned for years, if not decades. What steps are Ministers taking to engage with our international partners to promote press freedom in Syria following the fall of that reprehensible regime?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

As the noble Lord knows from previous responses, we are working with all our allies, particularly those neighbouring Syria, to ensure that the new Government in Syria are inclusive and allow a range of voices to be heard. Obviously, you cannot create a new independent media service simply from the ground, but the important ingredients of that—I come back to my original response—are how we develop free speech, freedom of association and, particularly, freedom of religion and belief. These are all ingredients that create the conditions for media freedom, and we are working very closely with our allies to ensure that that continues in Syria.

Sudan: Sexual Violence Against Women and Girls

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Monday 10th March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My Lords, the US is the largest humanitarian donor in Sudan, providing just under half of the UN’s response, and we are pressing all partners to ensure that aid continues to be committed to Sudan. Far too much of the aid already committed is unable to reach those who need it, and the April conference will focus on that. We remain committed to working with a number of partners, including the US, to ensure safe and unimpeded humanitarian access.

I will also repeat that we continue to support the ICC investigation in Darfur, including allegations of crimes. We are absolutely committed, which is why, in October, we also managed to get wholehearted support at the human rights committee for the fact-finding mission’s mandate to be extended.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, I am sure the whole House will join with the Minister in condemning the appalling sexual violence that is happening in Sudan. We all support him in wanting to see the perpetrators held to account. What steps are the Government taking to make sure that our aid to Sudan is effectively targeted towards protecting women and girls from this terrible violence and exploitation? I ask the Minister again the question posed by the noble Baroness, Lady Brinton: will this work be exempted from the cuts to the foreign aid programme?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I have mentioned before that we have a huge amount of humanitarian aid committed to Sudan that cannot reach the people who need it. The warring parties are stopping it. We had support at the UN Security Council for our resolution supporting the Secretary-General’s call for the protection of civilians. That was vetoed by the Russians for no reason at all, but that has not stopped us continuing to raise the issue of how we need to get humanitarian aid in.

The commitments are there already—we will get it in. As the Prime Minister said, Sudan will be a priority, which is why we have convened this special conference, co-hosted by a number of countries, in London in April.

Gaza

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Wednesday 5th March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, we need to acknowledge that the ceasefire is entirely contingent on the safe return of the remaining hostages. The Minister in the other place rightly referred to the British citizen Emily Damari and others. Emily has now shared the sad details of her dreadful ordeal in captivity at the hands of Hamas. I am sure that the whole House will join me in wishing her well and sending our deepest condolences to the families of those hostages who sadly died while in Hamas captivity.

I have two questions for the Minister. First, what conversations has he or the Government had with US and Israeli allies on helping to ensure that phase 2 of the ceasefire comes into effect? Secondly, can he give us an update on British aid in Gaza? Is it reaching its intended target, and will it be affected by the 0.2% of GNI reduction in ODA announced by the Government last week?

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

I thank the noble Lord for his questions. On the next stages of the process, we welcome the efforts by Arab leaders to put forward a plan for the next phase and the recovery and reconstruction in Gaza. The UK stands ready to work with partners to develop these ideas and to support all parties to get behind a single, viable plan for Gaza that meets the needs and aspirations of the civilian population and ensures a peaceful political framework for a negotiated two-state solution. As I have said to the House before, we are very clear that Hamas cannot govern Gaza and that any plan must ensure Israeli security and should support the unity of the West Bank and Gaza under the PA’s mandate.

On humanitarian aid, I reassure the noble Lord that we have committed a further £17 million, as the previous Minister for Development announced. We have also announced £129 million for the OPTs so far for this financial year, including £41 million for UNRWA. As the Prime Minister said in his Statement, we are absolutely committed to ensuring continued support for the Palestinian authorities.

The halt on goods and supplies entering Gaza is a serious matter, and Israel risks breaching its obligations under international humanitarian law. Today, we have issued with France and Germany a statement in which we express deep concern at Israel’s halt on aid to Gaza and urge it to lift all restrictions. It is vital that the ceasefire is sustained, all hostages are released, and aid is resumed.

War in Sudan

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Monday 3rd March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

As the noble Baroness knows, we have continued to raise the question at the Security Council. Last November, we tabled a resolution with Sierra Leone focusing on what the Secretary-General called for in relation to the protection of civilians. Sadly, that resolution was opposed by the Russians with their veto, but that did not stop us continuing to raise this question. The Foreign Secretary’s call for a conference event in April is intended to coalesce the international community to look at not only the humanitarian support that is so desperately needed but the longer-term solutions that will engage all civil society in a dialogue that will see a future for Sudan led by a civilian Government.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, as we approach the second anniversary of this terrible, brutal conflict, and with so many other matters occupying our attention, it is important that we do not lose our focus on it and that we continue to do all we can to end it. First, on sanctions, can the Minister say whether the Government intend to go further, perhaps following the lead of the recent spate of US sanctions? Secondly, beyond sanctions, are the Government working to identify any other hard-hitting ways to put pressure on the leadership of the RSF and the SAF and on the countries supporting their war machines?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

As I think the noble Lord knows, I will not discuss future possible sanctions, but we have already made a number of sanctions against both sides and against individuals and companies involved. However, the future must be about how we build an international coalition for peace and humanitarian support. That is why the April conference is so important; it will bring together Foreign Ministers, including not just our international allies but all regional players, to ensure that they understand that there must be a better way forward. There is no military solution to this conflict, and the only people suffering are the civilians. The so-called representatives of the two warring factions have no interest in defending their civilian population, so we have to change that attitude and get the international community working together to ensure that we put people first.

Democratic Republic of the Congo: M23 Group

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Tuesday 25th February 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Noble Lords will appreciate what I have reported before. Right from day one, we have been engaged with President Lourenço of Angola to ensure that there is a process to achieve long-lasting peace in the region. That is long overdue, because the internally displaced people are numerous and suffering hugely. These recent advances create an even worse situation.

On Friday I was pleased to talk to the Ministers in Dar es Salaam who were hosting the EAC-SADC summit, which produced a communiqué towards peace in the region and set out a very clear road map to achieve the withdrawal. Our concern is that the Rwandans have not fully complied with that, which is why we have made the announcement today of the measures we are taking, along with our allies, to ensure that they respond to that African-led peace process.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, the Minister will be aware that the UK has given more than £1 billion in development aid to Rwanda in recent years. As has been said, evidence is mounting that Rwandan troops are heavily involved in the fighting in DRC. Is it not increasingly difficult to justify this funding when the Rwandan Government themselves are spending so much time, energy and money intervening militarily in a sovereign neighbouring state?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord’s previous Government reached an agreement to give substantially more money to Rwanda.

The important point here is that our focus for development assistance is on those most in need. The measures that we announced today—I was able to convey these to the Foreign Minister of Rwanda in Geneva this morning at the Human Rights Council—are as follows: we will cease high-level attendance at events hosted by the Government of Rwanda; we are freezing trade promotion activity with Rwanda; we are reviewing our existing trade infrastructure in facilitation projects; and we are pausing direct bilateral financial aid to the Government of Rwanda. We are excluding from this our support for the poorest and most vulnerable, which is not direct support; we are committed to that. We are also co-ordinating with partners on potential sanctions designations and suspending future defence training assistance to Rwanda. Our position is absolutely clear. We want to ensure that these measures achieve what they set out to do: to ensure that Rwanda commits to the peace process led by the African Union.

Sudan and Eastern DRC

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Monday 3rd February 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, the latest atrocities unfolding in Sudan and eastern DRC are a sobering reminder of the human cost of conflict and the duties that we all share to respond decisively and compassionately. A brutal attack on the hospital in El Fasher, which has claimed the lives of 70 patients and their families, is a grim illustration of the callous disregard for international humanitarian law by many of these armed groups. Stories of women and children suffering unspeakable violence shared by the Foreign Secretary from his visit to the Chad-Sudan border really do underline the urgency of our necessary response.

In the DRC, the resurgence of M23 and the appalling reports of atrocities against women and children are heart-wrenching. There has been some fantastic reporting recently from British reporters in those areas. The bravery of the UN peacekeepers who lost their lives in Goma must not go unacknowledged, and we extend our deepest condolences to the nations that supplied them and to their families.

What concrete steps are the Government able to take to help to secure lasting peace in these regions? Diplomatic efforts are of course welcome, but can the Minister clarify how the Government plan to strengthen Britain’s role in African-led peace processes and ensure sustained international engagement, especially with partners such as Rwanda and Uganda, who bear responsibility for much of the violence there? In the other place, the Foreign Secretary said that the Minister spoke to the Rwandan and Angolan Foreign Ministers last week. I would be interested if the Minister could update the House on what he discussed, particularly with the Minister from Rwanda.

It is deeply concerning that Russia vetoed the UK’s and Sierra Leone’s humanitarian resolution at the Security Council. What efforts are being made to circumvent the paralysis of the UN, possibly through regional alliances or coalition-building outside of the Security Council framework?

On humanitarian aid, I welcome the UK’s commitment to increasing assistance, including the additional £20 million for Sudan and £62 million for the DRC. How do the Government intend to ensure that this aid actually reaches those in need, given the persistent blockages and insecurity on the ground, and the dangers for international organisations operating there?

Finally, I echo the Foreign Secretary’s point about the lack of global outrage. The selective attention paid to different conflicts is not just morally indefensible but strategically foolish. Neglecting African crises risks exacerbating instability, illegal migration and the proliferation of armed groups, all of which have consequences for all of us. We must never be indifferent to suffering, regardless of where it takes place. I urge the Government to maintain their focus on these crises, not just in the headlines but through sustained diplomatic and humanitarian efforts. I am sure that the House stands ready to support any measures that bring us closer to peace and relief for the benighted people of Sudan and the DRC.

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, I am very happy to associate myself with the final remarks of the noble Lord, Lord Callanan.

The House is aware, as is the Minister, of my ongoing interest in supporting Sudanese civilians in exile. The humanitarian suffering continues on an enormous and heartbreaking scale, with what the US had previously categorised as genocide in Darfur, again, and atrocities committed by both sets of belligerents, civilians slaughtered by Chinese drones, reports of chemical weapons being used, and the systematic blocking of humanitarian aid to the communities that need it most, especially women and children.

There are still far too few safe zones, which should have been established many months ago. The Minister is aware that I have supported the Government’s work at the Security Council. It is worth reminding ourselves that, had it not been for the Russian veto, many of the diplomatic actions and work that we have been calling for would have been put in place as a result of the UK-drafted resolution.

The scale is enormous. That was brought home to me when I was in Nairobi last weekend, with civilians in exile, as part of dialogue. One of the former diplomats who is working tirelessly to try to bring about cohesion in the civilian voice told me that his brother had been killed the day before.

For those who are working to try to bring about an end to the war, who cannot return home and who have many family members at home in great peril, this is very real. In a country in which so many of its population face starvation—although Sudan is a country that could feed itself, and indeed export food elsewhere—there are still the basic needs of clean water, medicine and food.

Will the Minister reassert that there should be no impunity for those who are afflicting these terrible breaches of international humanitarian law and war crimes on the civilian population? There should be no hiding place for those who are committing the atrocities, or for those who are systematically blocking food, hydration and medicine. These are war crimes and need to called out as such. I commend the work that the UK is doing with others to ensure that there is the proper collation of evidence, so that there can be consequences to this.

It is not just about those who are afflicting the war crimes; it is about those who are profiting from it. I appeal to the Government to do more to reduce the illicit gold trade. I read a credible report that that part of the economy of Sudan is now more profitable as a result of nearly two years of war than it was prior to the war commencing. That means that near neighbours, including allies of the United Kingdom, are profiting from this humanitarian horror. What work are the Government doing to ensure that there is no profit from war for many of those within the Gulf or near neighbours who are seeking transactional relationships with the belligerents in the gold trade?

The same goes for possibly the most disgusting trade of all: that in human beings. There has been a proliferation of trafficking and smuggling. What actions are all parts of the UK Government taking to ensure that that element of the war economy is closed and there is no future for those who are profiting from war by securing advantage in any form of peace?

I welcome the Foreign Secretary’s visit to the Chad border, and what he has said and is doing, as well as the work of our envoy and diplomats. Indeed, we are lucky to have the Minister for Africa in our own House, and I commend the work that he is doing. However, given the reports that the RSF may be seeking to form an administrative authority of its own, which it will call a Government, can the Minister confirm that we will not recognise or provide legitimacy to the RSF? At the moment, there is too much consideration of what Sudan might be if it becomes like Libya: two Governments—two competing authorities. The RSF may seek to an end to the war but it will also seek to have permanent influence; however, it should have no right to govern Sudan.

Does the Minister agree that there is an urgency to this? We are just a matter of eight or nine weeks from the second anniversary of the war, but there should be no third year. All efforts should be focused on these short weeks ahead to ensure that there is diplomatic effort to bring the belligerents to the table and to create the space where civilians can have the opportunity to govern one civilian-led Sudan at the end of the process.

Can the Minister say what assessment the UK has made of the terrible decisions that the Trump Administration are making on USAID? Have waivers been provided for US humanitarian and food assistance in Sudan? What is the Government’s assessment of the likely impact of the USAID decisions?

Turning to the DRC, there is little surprise that there has been ongoing territorial violence in that region; many have warned about that for many months. I commend the UN forces and any UK personnel who have been contributing to the end of this. I also send condolences to the families of those who have paid with their life in attempting to have peace in this area.

The work of the Rwandan Government and M23 has been raised in this House repeatedly. I raised it in June 2023, when I asked the Minister’s predecessor what actions the UK Government were taking with the Rwandan Government to cease the latter’s funding and support of the M23 group. It was marked that the previous Administration refused to make any public statement, probably because of the partnership agreement that they had signed with the Rwandan Government. I hope that the Government will not be shy of the consequences for UK funding support for the Rwandan Government if the latter continue to support an organisation that has been repeatedly held up for multiple violations of international humanitarian law and human rights abuses. Can the Minister comment on whether the Nairobi and Luanda process has now completely ended?

I close with an appeal to the Minister. What we have seen, both in Sudan and the DRC and with the Trump Administration, is that the need for UK development assistance and presence is greater than ever before. If there was ever an opportunity for the Government to review, take stock and then change course on their cut to development assistance, it is now. As well as helping with conflict prevention and humanitarian assistance, we need to ensure that the UK’s global soft power can be a force for good, and so we should not follow the Trump Administration in reducing official development assistance.

Israel and Palestine

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Wednesday 22nd January 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Through our aid programmes, we are supporting human rights organisations in Israel and Palestine on a range of issues. Their work is invaluable for providing us with relevant analysis, as well as for shaping our policy. We are clear that Palestinian leadership and civil society must be at the forefront of Gaza’s recovery. The United Kingdom is committed to promoting an inclusive approach to recovery and reconstruction, supporting the political process towards a two-state solution.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, I am sure we are all delighted to see the ceasefire and the release of the three hostages, including the British national Emily Damari, earlier this week. I listened carefully to the Minister, and he is right that proper future governance in Gaza will be crucial if the current ceasefire is to be enduring. Perhaps he could say a bit more about what consideration the Government are giving to helping establish future governance and administration in the Gaza Strip, free, we hope, of the malign influence of Hamas.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I thank the noble Lord for that question. We are continuing to work with Israel, the Palestinian Authority, the US and regional partners to build consensus on a post-conflict Gaza governance and security framework that supports the conditions, as he rightly said, for a permanent and sustainable peace. We have given the PA two posts to help support its work on this, and we will look towards doing even more as we move through the stages of the ceasefire agreement.

UK Strategy Towards the Arctic (International Relations and Defence Committee Report)

Lord Callanan Excerpts

Thursday 9th January 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, it is a pleasure to participate in today’s debate on this excellent report from the International Relations and Defence Committee. It was ably introduced by the committee chairman, my noble friend Lord Ashton of Hyde—of our very own endangered species, as he reminded us. He was the Chief Whip in the Government in which I served as a Minister; in the tragic event of him becoming extinct, he will be greatly missed in the same way as we miss the sabre-toothed tiger.

As many speakers have observed, we live in an increasingly dangerous world and it is vital that we get this Arctic strategy right, with threats from Russia and China increasing in this and other areas. On these Benches, we take the security of the Arctic region as an utmost priority. That is why the previous Government commissioned an integrated review in 2021. That review recognised that the UK, as many other noble Lords have reminded us, is the nearest neighbour to the Arctic region, and it committed the Government at the time to contribute to maintaining the region as one of high co-operation and low tension. I am not sure we succeeded in that, but the Government stated that they would do this by

“working with our partners to ensure that increasing access to the region and its resources is managed”

as safely as possible. When he summarises the debate, can the Minister update the House on what work the current Government are doing to take forward that work, to ensure that the Arctic’s resources are being safely and responsibly managed?

In addition, in March 2022, the Ministry of Defence published a policy paper titled The UK’s Defence Contribution in the High North, which set out the then Government’s aim to preserve the stability and security of the Arctic region. It set out four key objectives:

“Protect our Critical National Infrastructure and our other national interests, and those of our Allies … Ensure our freedom to navigate and operate across the wider region … Reinforce the rules-based international system, particularly UNCLOS … Contest malign and destabilising behaviours”.


Could the Minister outline whether those objectives are still shared and being prioritised by our new Government? If so, what progress is being made on achieving those goals?

In February 2023, the previous Government published the policy paper Looking North: The UK and the Arctic, which recognised that the Arctic is critical for UK interests, most notably in respect of our future climate and security. The paper maintained the three key principles established in the UK Government’s Arctic policy framework of 2013: respect, co-operation and appropriate leadership.

The 2023 integrated review refresh reaffirmed the UK’s commitment to the priorities set out in Looking North: The UK and the Arctic, while also committing the UK to continue its work in the Arctic with the Arctic Council, the Joint Expeditionary Force and NATO. Could the Minister outline what conversations the Government have had with the Arctic Council, the JEF and NATO on these matters?

The previous Government took active steps to ensure a safer Arctic region, which, of course, benefits the United Kingdom as a whole. Worryingly, we have not heard much yet from the current Government to suggest that the Arctic region is still a priority for them. Since entering office, the current Foreign Secretary has given the Arctic only a brief mention, during his Kew lecture in September last year:

“In the Arctic and Antarctic, global warming is driving geopolitical competition over the resources lying beneath the ice”.


I looked in vain for any further references. Again, could the Minister expand on what specific actions the Government are taking to address the many geopolitical challenges posed by Russia’s increased militarisation in the Arctic? How do the Government intend to safeguard the UK’s national interests in the High North, particularly on these matters?

Although security is paramount, and has featured in so many speeches today, we must also acknowledge that the Arctic plays a crucial role in the global climate system. The melting of Arctic ice is not only a warning sign of accelerating climate change but a trigger for geopolitical tensions as nations vie for newly accessible resources. That is why the Government’s approach must integrate environmental responsibility with strategic security.

The 2021 review set out the UK’s commitment to sustainable development in the Arctic, and the 2023 review refresh reaffirmed that stance. Will the Minister confirm whether the Government continue to align their Arctic strategy with the principles of environmental stewardship and international collaboration, as outlined in both those reviews?

The UK’s presence in the Arctic is enhanced through our alliances. Our membership of NATO and of the Joint Expeditionary Force enables us to contribute meaningfully to regional stability. Our observer status in the Arctic Council provides, as many have remarked, an avenue to influence policies that help shape that vital region’s future. Will the Minister provide an update on how the UK is trying to leverage those partnerships to ensure that the Arctic remains a region of peace and co-operation? Have the Government engaged with Arctic nations such as Norway and Denmark to help us strengthen those bilateral defence and environmental agreements?

Of course, we commend our ally Denmark for increasing spending on Greenland’s defence at this vital time. I find myself agreeing with the noble Lord, Lord Teverson, and, slightly surprisingly for me, with the noble Lord, Lord Kerr, that it would be nice to see some UK ministerial pushback to President-elect Trump’s frankly ridiculous threats against Greenland. I read them with great interest and there are frightening parallels with what Putin had to say about Ukraine and what President Xi has said about Taiwan. Although the UK is proud to have the US as our closest international ally, we should condemn any attempt to redraw national borders by force from wherever those threats come.

The Arctic is an area of immense strategic importance, not only for our security but for our environmental and economic future. The previous Government laid, in my view, a strong foundation through these integrated reviews, the defence contributions and our international partnership. I hope the current Government will help to build upon those relationships, especially at a time when the region is becoming a focal point for global power struggles. We all understand that resources in this area are limited but I hope the Minister will be able to provide some clear assurances that the Arctic remains a priority for this Government and to outline how they plan to uphold the UK’s vital interest in this critical region.