Ukraine

Lord Brennan Excerpts

Friday 31st October 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Brennan (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, I have to declare a connection with Ukraine. In April 2018, as a barrister, I advised the Government in Kyiv about joining the European Union. I went with them in a delegation to Brussels at the end of that month, so if it turns out that I know people, that is the background as to why.

In my submission, the real question about the emphasis over the next four months should be in relation to military assistance or a more intelligent commercial attack on Russia. In terms of continued assistance, the Minister is to be commended for the nobility of the deep commitments he has given Ukraine from our country.

Why? I got some evidence yesterday morning from the man who runs the drone force for the Ukranians. He sent an electronic radar picture, like a photograph, which tracks all the bombs, drones and missiles across Ukraine during the night. The image that it produced for Wednesday night was horrific. Everywhere was due to be bombed or hit—in particular the area to the west of the Dnieper River. They are called the Heights. Once you get over 20 or 30 kilometres of the Heights, you hit flat land and it is then a straight run to Kyiv. The Russians are clearly bent on getting control of the Heights, in terms of bombing and men. We must continue to help the Ukrainians as best we can.

When will Russia stop or change its mind? Some noble Lords may have read Peter Frankopan’s article in the Financial Times this week about Putin’s reading list. He has got all the information from the Trump office and other places. Putin has drowned people with whom he has been negotiating with long pieces about Russian medieval history, which in Peter Frankopan’s terms he put into a “thousand-year continuum”. The Ukraine extension is part of that history of Russia and its inevitable process of expansion. It is quite remarkable. In the history that Frankopan describes, one of the main areas of interest for Putin was the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which at that time had a massive land force connection across southern Russia.

What could he do next? The fight has to go on. Four years next February, after a chill winter, it will be the same as the whole of the First World War or two-thirds of the Second World War. In the middle of central Europe, this is happening to our people, fellow citizens.

So keep the support on the military front. What about financial pressure? Sanctions, reparation fund requirements, are so obvious a weapon that it is remarkable that it is only in the last couple of months that America in particular has started to push hard in terms of oil and gas sanctions: ways of attacking the Russians economically. That is very, very important. The Russian GDP figure for the inclusion of oil and gas shows a drop of nearly 10% in the last 12 months—money coming in through GDP—and 26% in month-on-month public finances receipts. Those are enormous amounts of money that they are losing. We should stick hard on that front. The Russians have just put up for international sale Lukoil and Rosneft, their two biggest foreign oil companies, because they are not making money from them. Trump seems to have pushed the Middle East, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf countries in particular into pursuing the oil market going across Asia.

After this trouble, perhaps after next February, Ukraine will need a new President. It is due electorally by the laws of the country. Zelensky has been President since 2019. Next year will be his seventh year. It is time enough. Ukraine needs a man or woman who is smart, effective and able to control, to take over the country anew once we get through the next six to 12 months— and to be supported in doing that. As far as Putin is concerned, I was once in Moscow and a Russian told me, “You can get the man out of the KGB, but you can’t get the KGB out of the man”. That is Putin.

D-day: 75th Anniversary

Lord Brennan Excerpts

Tuesday 4th June 2019 Lords Chamber

[Lord Brennan (Lab)]

My Lords, this and other acts of commemoration this week about the D-day landing and its aftermath are important and necessary. Memory, it has been said, is the architecture of our identity and sense of belonging, both individually and collectively. Embedded in our memory, individually and collectively, are often the powerful effects of great historical events. Some are likely never to be forgotten and continue to provide the basis for the maintenance and, I hope, development of our national character.

D-day was such an event. As has been said, it was the largest seaborne invasion in history, with landings spread over 50 kilometres of the Normandy coast. As the noble Lord, Lord Burnett, emphasised, there were over 150,000 allied troops on D-day 75 years ago. As my noble friend Lord Anderson pointed out, there were thousands of sea vessels and aircraft. These are not just numbers; they are a physical expression of national unity and determination. They impress now as, no doubt, they impressed then. The noble Lord, Lord Astor of Hever, pointed out intelligence. Some have mentioned the French Resistance. All must have felt a sense of destiny. It was marked in particular by allied co-operation, probably greater than ever before in numbers and in such a mighty conflict as began this Normandy campaign.

To illustrate at a small level numerically, but nevertheless an equal standard of bravery, there were two outposts on the Normandy coast. One at Merville, during the night before the boats left the UK, was the subject of an intended attack by 600 UK paratroopers. They landed in various parts during the night. Only 120 of the 600 reached their target. That is attrition. On the US side at Pointe du Hoc, this and Merville being places where the Germans had spread artillery and gunfire along the beaches, 200 US Rangers took on that outpost. One hundred and thirty of them were dead or wounded. That is attrition. At small and large level, they exhibited the qualities which we should be not only proud of, but grateful for.

As numbers grew after D-day, as I understand it there were pretty soon 39 divisions in Normandy—22 US, 12 UK, three Canadian, one French and one Polish. That illustrates the allied nature of the invasion. They fought as one army, commanded by General Eisenhower, an American, the commander-in-chief, and led in the field by the general in charge of the army on land, General Montgomery. With such casualties and such a determined attack, only someone with no understanding of nation, history or duty could fail to appreciate its importance, as a result of alliance. There are no better allies—not only the ones who will sign a defence treaty, but the ones who will join you on the battlefield.

As Her Majesty said last night in her speech,

“we owe an immeasurable debt to the”,

United States and to our other allies. It would be helpful to be reminded, as the noble Earl, Lord Howe, pointed out, that in the Asia theatre, similar allied action was taking place—the British were in southern Asia and the Americans were attacking across the Pacific—with the same results, albeit with an entirely different enemy.

Those who died, as the noble Lord, Lord Dobbs, pointed out, were young—at the beginning of their lives, which ended. Oratorical words such as duty, honour and country come to mind, but these ordinary young men from ordinary backgrounds exhibited service, loyalty and sacrifice. I remember the day when the local British legion man in my village in the Cotswolds read out the name of every young man killed in both wars from that village—a quarter of its young men over two wars. It is very moving. None of us in this great metropolis or in our great cities should ever forget that throughout this country—in our villages, families and communities—families, friends and descendants do not forget.

Historical ignorance is an ever-present danger. It produces cultural superficiality and an unjustified belief that, in the modern world, military alliances are outdated and unnecessary—dangerous thinking. With all this in mind, on this day of remembrance, let us give respect and gratitude, especially to those who died, in this initial step towards the ultimate victory of freedom and democracy and the end of totalitarian rule in Europe.