Air Quality: London

Lord Borwick Excerpts

Monday 3rd July 2017 Lords Chamber

Moved by

[Lord Borwick]

To move that this House takes note of the case for improving air quality in London.

[Lord Borwick (Con)]

My Lords, I recently watched a wonderful old film, “Genevieve”, which was made in 1954 and starred a very young Kenneth More. In one scene two characters are driving through the countryside on the London to Brighton road. Their car breaks down so they stop on the side of the road next to an open field. They ask each other whether any other car could be expected to come past them on the London to Brighton road so they could be saved. I do not think there would be any such concerns on the A23 today.

In debating air quality, I declare an interest as the chairman of the GATEway autonomous vehicle project advisory board. I also have an unusual number of past interests. I have been a trustee and was deputy chairman of the British Lung Foundation for 12 years and there I learned that lung diseases are mainly diseases of poor people. For many complex reasons, debilitating lung diseases, such as chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, known by the catchy acronym COPD, are predominantly found in those on lower incomes. A very large number of people are subject to periodic exacerbations of their COPD, which is painful, frightening and extremely expensive for the NHS to ameliorate.

I also spent nearly 20 years as the chief executive and then chairman of the company manufacturing the London taxi and selling it in London with diesel engines. I am very glad that the new rules for London taxis will require them to be zero emission in the future and I will buy one the moment it enters production. I also spent seven years striving to make a pure electric delivery vehicle to deliver goods in London and other cities, where the only pollutant was the carbon dioxide produced by the driver. It was a marvellous vehicle and we were very grateful to Tesco, UPS and FedEx for their support but unfortunately, although we made 400 vehicles, the idea came far too early and we had to shut the company down after enormous losses. Having sold too few electric trucks, I then decided that there was only one product that people actually want and that is a zero-emissions politician.

Before we can deal with a problem we first have to recognise it as one. That means being able to measure it. How bad is the air quality in London? Air quality problems come from carbon dioxide, nitrogen oxides and particulates and all those poisons come from cars. What can be really damaging are particulate matter. They are measured by their diameter and the smaller the particles the more easily they are absorbed into the lungs and the bloodstream. PM2.5, emitted from cars, is especially damaging. As well as causing respiratory illnesses, smaller particles that go into the bloodstream can cause cardiovascular illnesses. There has even been particulate matter found in human brains, with air pollution having links to Alzheimer’s disease.

We have only recently been able to reliably measure PM1 and even PM0.1 and just as we have discovered that PM2.5 can do more damage than PM10, we should all be nervous of the effects of these even smaller particles. However, the dangerous gases and particles do not come from cars alone—central heating and gas cooking hobs can produce large amounts. Cars produce pollution in complex ways. It is not just the fumes pouring out of the exhaust that bring down air quality. For example, one of the largest sources of particulates is tyre and brake wear. When your tyres wear down, where does the rubber dust go? It is likely that it goes up into the air and into the lungs of passers-by. In a busy city such as London, there is often traffic stopping, starting, braking and accelerating. All of these actions increase tyre and brake wear.

In a study done recently in Ontario, researchers proved that although the average pollution recorded was one figure, this was an average of a very wide range. You can have dreadful concentrations of pollution that will not be detected. Urban design makes sure that no wind tunnels are formed between buildings, but it is wind movement that stirs up stagnant air. It is perfectly clear that you can get a wide variety of readings of particulates in different parts of London but they also vary with the weather, the wind and the design of the streetscape. We watch out for new buildings that cause wind tunnels to be formed among skyscrapers, but it is perfectly possible that such a wind tunnel is mixing up pollution and blowing it away. Perhaps we should look out for the reverse—buildings that slow the dispersal of pollution. Sensible urban design will be a key part of ameliorating air pollution.

I have recently been carrying an air quality meter and although the air quality in this House is fine and pretty good on the roads around it, when you go into Westminster Underground the meter goes mad—it goes up by about 100 times. This may be because the ventilation system of the Tube is 100 years old and the tube is dirty. Does the Minister know whether the new Crossrail system has a ventilation design that will eliminate dust and particles? Will he ask the Committee on the Medical Effects of Air Pollutants about the potential dangers of air pollution in the London Underground, who should be warned and what else should be done about it? I know the mayor has started to look into this issue but more work needs to be done.

For a long time big landlords have had standby diesel generators so that their trading can continue if electricity service is interrupted. Occasionally these would be started and run for a short time if only to check that they were in working order. An unexpected by-product of the recent rules to enable private producers to feed-in electricity into the grid is that it is apparently now economic for such department stores and office blocks to run their generators and be paid for it. Bizarrely, we are now generating electricity through medium-sized diesel generators in the centre of London.

Do we have the right regulations to deal with the emissions produced? Small local generators in the centre of London cannot be the right answer. So, therefore, are we asking the right question? As you can tell, the sources of pollutants are wide-ranging and identifying the type of pollution is complex. However, the impacts are brutal, and so my main request is for more serious effort to go into research. We need research to be done to find out which of the exhaust particles and those from brake and tyre wear that are emitted from cars do the most harm, and in combination with which other factors. We need research into the unexpected behaviour of pollution. We also need more research into other forms of public transport as it is not easy to say that all Londoners would be better off on the Tube, or, indeed, on a bus or a bicycle. Then, once we know, we can act.

The Great Stink of 1858 was one such time when noble Lords were moved to act when the smell was apparent in and around this House. Thanks to Bazalgette, the solution of new sewers solved the problem. Perhaps this generation of Parliament, which is breathing in the air just as its predecessors suffered from the Great Stink, can take action with similar good results.

We know that poor air quality in London is a big issue. This can be traced back to the early 2000s, when the only thing we concentrated on was carbon dioxide. That led to the introduction of preferential tax treatment for cars with diesel engines as they emit less carbon than petrol cars. However, they emit much more particulate matter, which has a catastrophic impact on health. Drivers, commuters, walkers, cyclists—all Londoners are at risk.

There are some exciting new inventions being tried out by Westminster Council, notably pollution-eating paint and generators powered by footfall. It was encouraging to see action taken this week against drivers who leave their engines idling while picking up their children from school or collecting someone from the shops. Leaving an engine running is often because the driver is trying to control the temperature of their car, but, of course, the effects of it can be harmful to passers-by. The safest thing to do then might be for everyone to work from home—but, of course, hiding away is not the answer.

What can we do? At the moment, many cyclists wear masks, which are quite often sold with the words “anti-pollution filter” as part of the marketing. However, they are usually ineffective. For one thing, for a mask to work properly it would need to sit so tightly to the skin on one’s face as to require suction. That is not a comfortable or desirable solution. You often see pictures of the citizens of Beijing—thousands of people—all with masks around their mouths and noses. It can certainly cause problems for deaf people who lip read. It seems to me that this is more important politically than it is as a preventive measure. The striking visual of a city’s workers, shoppers and families all wearing masks makes it hit home just how bad the smog is in Beijing and that it must be tackled at source.

In Beijing, everyone has a headache from the pollution. When I was there I wondered what would happen if I filled a jam jar with the city’s air and then brought it back through customs. However, rather than cause trouble for our border staff, I instead looked up the rules for shipping certain substances. Royal Mail prohibits the shipping of nitrogen dioxide within the UK and internationally. Indeed, it is listed alongside toxic and infectious substances such as arsenic, cyanide, Ebola, mercury, mustard gas, pesticides and rat poison as being prohibited for posting and shipping. My noble friend the Minister may reassure me that it would not be illegal as it is only a trace amount, but I could not find this exception in the regulations. Why are people expected to breathe traces of nitrogen dioxide on London streets when it is prohibited for posting and classified in the same bracket as deadly diseases and chemical weapons? The department has been accused before of trying to talk down the importance of this poisonous subject.

Electric cars are another game changer. The technology is getting more impressive by the day but we need continuing research and development to ensure we reach a stage where they are genuine viable alternatives to cars, vans and lorries. More kerbside space could also be dedicated to charging infrastructure.

However, more conventional cars are improving nowadays. Manufacturers routinely spend as much on the exhaust system as they do on the rest of the engine. So replacing an old car with a new car is likely to be the best thing an individual can do, which argues for a scrappage scheme to get rid of the old, badly maintained vehicles.

We must also be mindful of the Volkswagen scandal. The idea that other car companies were totally ignorant of VW’s actions is questionable. Car companies all buy each other’s cars to find out what makes them work so well. Were they actually ignorant of how VW were doing it, or did they cover up their findings and not blow the whistle that could have saved many thousands of illnesses? Real-world testing will also be essential.

Autonomous vehicles will also be important in this fight. They will drive at steadier speeds than human drivers and will almost certainly reduce the amount of particulates emitted from constant speeding up and braking. There are clever new devices to monitor driving and, hopefully, improve it.

We could also look further into the success or failure of low emissions zones. The Mayor of London’s modelling shows that bringing in the ultra-low emission zone from 2019 would result in a 20% reduction in the expected NOx emissions levels.

We also hear campaigners argue for more bicycle lanes in London. That would be great to improve the safety of cyclists, but the population of London is increasing, with road capacity decreasing. By slowing down cars, cycle lanes are causing pollution that is now being breathed in by the cyclists themselves. While they are being constructed, traffic delays are caused. This means more pollution.

Just as they now announce the pollen count and the UV intensity on weather broadcasts, perhaps there should also be announcements of pollution levels. Just as those with skin conditions might stay in to avoid high UV levels, government advice is now sometimes given that people vulnerable to lung problems should stay indoors and avoid the dirty streets. I think it is the people who normally drive polluting cars who should stay indoors.

The first Clean Air Act received Royal Assent on 5 July 1956, 61 years ago almost to the day. It was transformative. It changed our outlook on air pollution and set the framework for future action. However, of course, there is still more work to do. That is why I am so pleased to be debating this vital issue. It is clear that air pollution is a silent killer. We now need more research into these health effects and the solutions available. We have an opportunity to mark the 61st anniversary of the first Clean Air Act by pledging to take even more steps to improve air quality. I beg to move.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Borwick]

My Lords, I thank all noble Lords for their contributions and most of them for their very kind words about my calling this debate. I thank them all for spending so long on this immensely important subject. Knowing that it has kept us up later than our other causes would have done reminds me that we are actually all working on behalf of lung patients who spend many an evening up, unable to sleep and in pain. We around this House are united in saying that this is a serious subject that needs to be dealt with.

Many noble Lords mentioned cycle lanes. I want to mention a point that has not been made: demand for cycle lanes will change throughout the year. Bicycling in the middle of a snowstorm is a fairly dreadful experience, whereas of course cycling is extremely popular at this time of year. One of the problems with our bus lanes is that they are very fixed. I was very impressed with a Beijing solution of a movable picket fence that can be moved from side to side, making the bicycle lane either bigger or smaller at a moment’s notice. In fact, such a thing might be something that we could look at in the governance of our bicycle lanes; it would be a lot cheaper to build and to alter.

I thank all noble Lords again for their contribution and for joining me in agreeing on the importance of this subject. I beg to move.

Motion agreed.

Circuses: Wild Animals

Lord Borwick Excerpts

Wednesday 1st March 2017 Lords Chamber

[Lord Gardiner of Kimble]

My Lords, I am not in a position to say precisely, but I would like to take one issue up. One of the reasons we introduced the licensing scheme was to ensure the welfare of the animals. I have seen the conditions of the welfare scheme associated with the licensing, which is rigorous and requires inspections by vets and inspectors at least four times a year. The welfare standards of these animals—six reindeer, three camels, three zebras, one fox, a macaw, a racoon and a zebu—are high. On ethical grounds, this situation should be prohibited.

[Lord Borwick (Con)]

My Lords, does my noble friend agree that such legislation might obstruct the ability of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to pull a rabbit out of a hat next week?

[Lord Gardiner of Kimble]

I am afraid my noble friend is a bit too fast for me there. The truth is that this is important legislation that we wish to put forward, but I am confident that the welfare elements, which are so important, are well-provided for in the licensing scheme.

Natural Environment

Lord Borwick Excerpts

Thursday 15th January 2015 Lords Chamber

[Lord Borwick (Con)]

My Lords, I declare my interests as they appear in the register, particularly that I am a trustee of the British Lung Foundation. I welcome this debate, as all too often the push to reduce emissions and improve our green spaces means that we spend a lot of money on the wrong things. The result is more regulations and higher taxes, which push up the cost of living. The hardest hit are often the poor and the elderly, who spend more of their incomes on electricity and gas. Indeed, taxes can make up 15% to 20% of the cost of power to a household. If we are trying to reduce emissions and improve air quality, we have to think of other ways of doing it than imposing new or higher taxes.

However, none of those points detracts from the fact that we need to reduce emissions, improve green spaces, protect wildlife and think about how we travel in the future. It is very important that Parliament stays ahead of changes and developments in this issue. That is why I have proposed to the Chairman of Committees the creation of an ad hoc committee on air pollution. From the great stink of 1858 to the great smog of 1952, population growth and industrialisation have reduced the quality of the air in the UK, especially in big cities. The Clean Air Act 1956 was perhaps the earliest significant attempt to enshrine in law the protection of air quality. Now that science is delivering more local knowledge on air pollution, we have to be aware and preparing for the pressures that that will bring.

Within a short time, we will be able to get a smartphone app to tell us the levels of air pollution within a local area, measured from space. This means that your sat-nav directions might include the option of the quickest route, the shortest route and, in the future, the cleanest route. When citizens get the knowledge that their home area has bad air pollution, they are going to demand that the Government do something about it. Individuals tend to think—probably rightly—that they cannot improve air quality through their own actions alone. The same can arguably be said for government departments. That is why it is vital that collaborative work is done on this problem across government. The Department of Energy and Climate Change is, of course, interested in climate change but not sufficiently in emissions. The Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, the Department of Health, the Department for Transport, the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills and the Department for Education are all responsible in part for emissions.

Lung diseases are strongly correlated with poverty. There are rich people who die of lung diseases, but they die mainly of heart problems. It is poorer people who smoke too much and live in areas where they suffer from bad air quality—and many from tuberculosis. The climate change problem has been regarded as so important that we put every effort into reducing CO₂ emissions. Many car manufacturers switched to diesel in whole or in part, and we now have extra nitric oxide and nitrogen dioxide in the air. Perhaps it is fair to say that Britain is doing quite well on global warming, better than the world generally, but are more people going to die of lung poisoning as a result of some of those changes?

So, the level of emissions in the UK is having a very harmful effect on both the environment and on human health. While much is known about CO₂ and its impact on the environment, there is far less awareness of the harm to public health caused by particulate matter in the air. Exposure to these poisonous particulates can lead to inflammation of the airways, and cardiovascular and respiratory illness. In April 2014, a Public Health England report found that approximately 29,000 deaths per year in the UK could be attributed to man-made particulate matter pollution. Air pollution is also expected to reduce the life expectancy of everyone in the UK by six months.

We know that the noxious villain of NO_x is the car exhaust, and what do we do with our car exhausts? We cover them in shiny plating to make them look attractive and stick them out the back of the car, where the pedestrian or cyclist can breathe the fumes. There is an old-established saying in management that if you do not look at a problem, you will not solve it, and we place the exhaust in the one place that the driver can never see directly, so he cannot tell if his engine is misbehaving. What would happen if we required that exhausts finished in the front of the car, so that the driver could see them? I bet they would be cleaned up rather quickly. What, furthermore, if we required that exhausts finished on the inside of the car? If I have to breathe in his poisonous exhaust fumes, why does the driver not have to breathe them in?

Roadside emissions are a particular problem in urban areas of the UK. The index level for PM2.5 in London this morning is 67. Yesterday it peaked at 85. London’s Marylebone Road had the highest concentration of PM2.5 in the whole of Europe in 2012, with a concentration of almost 94 micrograms per cubic metre of air. Furthermore, the UK has failed to meet its recent EU air quality target for NO₂—and the annual average for NO₂ was exceeded in 38 out of 43 air quality zones. The health benefits in improving air quality are clear, so I ask my noble friend, when will the Government respond to the recommendations presented by the Environmental Audit Committee report of the other place published shortly before Christmas?

New technologies will provide the key to improving air quality and developing greener transport. When I was a manufacturer of London taxis, I sold thousands of diesel engines. But after that, I spent a fortune on trying to make electric vehicles work, and every penny I made from diesel engine taxis was spent twice over on electric trucks. I started an electric truck business and sold about 400 vehicles worldwide, and I was grateful to UPS, FedEx and Tesco for buying the first ones. This was a great product which worked really well, but to get consumers to change to electric vehicles is a huge leap, and we were just too early.

When I was trying to sell zero-emission vehicles, I thought of a single product which I believe every British consumer would applaud. Particularly in these election days, I think British people want to find a zero-emission politician.

Deregulation Bill

Lord Borwick Excerpts

Tuesday 28th October 2014 Grand Committee

Moved by

[Lord Borwick]

11: After Clause 17, insert the following new Clause—
“Further exemption to Sunday trading hours: garden centres
In Schedule 1 to the Sunday Trading Act 1994 (restrictions on Sunday opening of large shops), in sub-paragraph 3(1), at end insert—“(l) any garden centre.””

[Lord Borwick (Con)]

My Lords, we know that the Sunday Trading Act 1994 means that any shop with more than 3,000 square feet can be opened for only a restricted number of hours on a Sunday. Smaller shops do not have restricted hours. This was a liberalisation although it was actually a tightening of the rules for garden centres, which now suffer because their products are necessarily spread over larger areas. What makes a garden centre unique is its inability to pile it high, unlike other retailers. Whereas a shop with a small floor space can ensure that it sells as much product as possible on Sunday by bulk stacking, that is not true of a garden centre. The products themselves need space to have light, to grow and to look attractive to potential customers. Stacking bay trees up like baked beans, carnations like cornflakes and tulips like tinned tuna would not be an appealing way to display them.

Most garden centres are family-owned businesses, many of which have been owned by several generations of the same family. There are also relatively few big chains of garden centres, with the biggest being only 140 out of the total of 2,400 or so outlets in the UK. The second biggest has 34 stores. They really are small businesses, which existing Sunday trading laws are trying to protect, so we should be ensuring that garden centres, with unnatural demands on their floor space and a tendency to remain small, family-run businesses, are allowed the same opportunities to trade on Sundays as a small retailer in another sector.

I would argue that this is also about getting people out of their houses and away from their computer screens on a Sunday. We are told that we should keep Sunday special and I agree. But we should not keep Sunday special by restricting freedom on a Sunday. Visits to garden centres should be encouraged alongside visits to church as wonderful things to do on a Sunday—lots of time outdoors with children. who are too often obsessed with their iPads. becoming interested in nature.

I know that there are concerns, not least from the shop workers’ union, USDAW, that an amendment seeking to exempt garden centres from Sunday trading laws would create a loophole. Its contention is that the lines would become blurred between what is and what is not a garden centre. What one may have traditionally thought was a garden centre may now sell a wider range of products, so large DIY companies may use a garden centre exemption as a way to open for longer on Sundays. But I am not concerned. According to a survey of its members by the Horticultural Trades Association, around 95% of garden centres have more than 20% of their trading area made up of either outdoor or covered outdoor areas.

Another consistent feature of garden centres is that the roofs of their retail buildings are transparent or translucent—usually glass. That, of course, is to allow for the effective care of live plants, which require light. It would be a huge imposition for other businesses to try to replicate those features to open for a little longer on a Sunday. Indeed, the HTA offered its own definition of what should qualify. It recommends:

“Any retailer which has at least 20% of its total retail footprint made up of outdoor or covered outdoor space, excluding car parking bays, delivery bays or buildings used solely for commercial plant production, or any retailer whose roof’s surface area is made up of at least 20% glass or similarly translucent material to enable the effective care and display of live plants”.

That seems an eminently reasonable definition. I am sure that the Minister could do even better. Again, the cost, time and burden of converting a DIY shop to fit these requirements, all for a few hours’ more trading on a Sunday, would probably not be worth it.

All this goes to show the absurdity of the Sunday trading laws more generally. Nowadays, many workers can go ahead and ply their trade on a Sunday to meet the demand of the customers whom they serve. If cab drivers, barmen and call centre workers want to make some extra cash on a Sunday, there are very few barriers in their way. Why should those people who work in shops above a certain square footage lose out?

Consumers overwhelmingly back change. A ComRes poll in March 2014 found that two-thirds of respondents backed a permanent extension of Sunday trading hours. At present, big supermarket chains create smaller-format stores simply to circumvent the law. The result is higher prices for the consumer, as a study by campaign group Open Sundays shows. The survey measured the difference in price between a basket of goods sold in a store of more than 3,000 square feet and one sold in a convenience store, which is many people’s only option on a Sunday afternoon. Prices were anywhere between 7% and 11% higher than in the larger stores. Is that why the Association of Convenience Stores argues against this amendment?

Throughout the world, the consumer is moving from high street shops to the internet. This is happening at the same time as a move from small shops to large megastores outside town. Charity shops and empty stores now dominate our high streets. If I was a shop worker, I would want my union to combat this trend, because otherwise I would eventually become redundant while our high streets die. Yet USDAW continues to campaign against Sunday trading. Indeed, its campaign could be designed to encourage buyers to use Amazon rather than a shop. The Royal Mail has announced that it is starting to deliver parcels on a Sunday, but why should a buyer not be able to get the same goods personally on a Sunday? Perhaps USDAW should take a leaf out of the postmen’s book.

We have to recognise that people have a right to choose where they shop and when, and bring the law up to date with the digital age. I beg to move.

[Lord Christopher (Lab)]

My Lords, my only interest in garden centres is as a customer; I have no other concern. I oppose the amendment. To start to erode the Sunday Trading Act in this way would be a mistake. Perhaps I may quote the right honourable Vince Cable from the time when we were embarking on the Olympics. He said:

“Any move towards the abolition of the UK’s Sunday trading laws would require new legislation, a full consultation and extensive parliamentary scrutiny”.—[Official Report, Commons, 30/4/2012; col. 1293.]

I concede that it is not on all fours, but it is perfectly clear what the right honourable Member meant. The mover of the amendment suggested that there is perhaps much that is wrong with the Sunday trading laws. Okay, let us address that, but we should not make a one-off attempt on this issue.

My second concern—I shall be rather briefer than the noble Lord—is that in moving his amendment, the noble Lord gave definitions, but there is no definition in the new clause that he is proposing. He concentrated substantially on the very small garden centres—which, God willing, will continue—but I know of very few garden centres today, privately owned or company owned, that do not sell a vast range of other commodities, everything from boots and shoes to clothing. Indeed, I have been in some places where they sell stoves and furniture. It would be a great mistake if your Lordships included this amendment in the Bill. It should be returned to, if the noble Lord wishes, as part of a much broader concern, and, in particular, there should be public consultation. The members of USDAW have as much right to say what they would wish as other people who are not intimately involved.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Borwick]

My Lords, I thank all noble Lords for their contribution. I wonder whether technology is stressing the consensus of 1994, which was formed before the growth of the internet age. In the mean time, however, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.

Amendment 11 withdrawn.

Water Bill

Lord Borwick Excerpts

Monday 27th January 2014 Lords Chamber

[Lord Borwick (Con)]

My Lords, first, I welcome this Bill as a much needed change to the legislation. I thank South West Water, which invited me to a water works and sewage works in Exeter to brief me on the industry and show me how it works in practice. I little thought that on entering your Lordships’ House my first visit to a company would be to a sewage works.

There are several challenges facing the supply and regulation of water in the UK, and the Bill sets out eminently reasonable reforms to ensure a long-term plan for improving our infrastructure and for providing better value for customers. The best way to improve the efficiency of suppliers and to drive down costs for customers is of course to allow more competition. Of course, the real task for any new competitor is to understand the legislation, the rules and regulations. The length of the Bill hinders that somewhat. Perhaps we are, oddly, overregulating to allow more competition.

It is good that the Bill seeks to allow new entrants into the market with more upstream competition and more competition for business customers. However, I wonder if this extension of upstream competition is slightly out of sync with reform for abstraction licences. The Government are concerned that the water supply is limited and are rightly looking at reforming these licences, the system for which was set up in the 1960s. Reforms will make abstraction more sustainable, but this probably is not happening for another two years or so; indeed, a consultation was launched only last month. Even with a more competitive market and more upstream competition, we may not have the surge in new entrants that we want until they have more certainty on the future of abstraction licences. It would be disappointing if good reforms were hindered in the short term because they are not aligned with other important steps being taken. However, I am sure that hindered reforms are better than no reforms.

Although it is not specifically covered in the Bill, I will talk briefly about the issue of identifying tenants, which surely must be an area of future consideration. At present, there is a premium of around £11 per household on all water bills because of bad debts. Water companies do not know who the occupiers are, as they are often short-term renters. Sometimes a property will have a high turnover of tenants, too, making the problem worse. Enabling legislation to make landlords identify the tenants who are liable for unpaid bills does exist but has not been implemented. This may seem like more bureaucracy for landlords, but it would arguably add no more burden than the checks they already have to make to make certain that they get paid the rent, and information they already give—for instance, to the immigration authorities. Ultimately, everybody pays for the failure to successfully recover unpaid debts.

There are two causes of bad debt for water companies: those who cannot pay and those who will not pay. For those who cannot pay, we already have mechanisms in place. The social tariff exists, in most water companies, for customers on an income below £15,800. That tariff is usually applied to those in arrears, if they can demonstrate that they cannot pay. For those who will not pay, marking their credit rating will at least reduce their ability to take credit in the future, to the benefit of future lenders.

Perhaps we also ought to look at reduced flow measures. Essentially, those who will not pay their water debts would receive a water supply only sufficient to enable them to drink. However, the reduced flow would make it inconvenient to use the supply in other ways, such as for baths. Such measures were made illegal in the Water Industry Act 1999. However, they are applied in certain Australian states, so measures like this ought to be considered. After all, I am sure that we would like to see a reduction in the bills of ordinary and honest families. This could be a way to achieve that.

It is good to see the Government addressing the affordability of flood insurance for those in high-risk areas. However, I have one small point of concern with the flood reinsurance scheme. While flood reinsurance seems to be backed by industry, perhaps we need to think more fundamentally about where many areas of housing are located. We would all argue that it is simply not a good idea to have lots of housing in an area of high risk and frequent flooding.

As the noble Lord, Lord Oxburgh, referred to shot foxes: the Bill has simple aims, and indeed, it was summarised in only four pages. However, it is 230 pages of dense text, including 81 clauses in four parts, and has no fewer than 12 schedules. Is it possible that the drafting team for the roughly 700-page Finance Bill, having taken a rest after passing their Bill through the other place, leapt to what passes for immediate action to draft this particular legislation? Battalions of people have been interpreting the Finance Bill for a living, but they are threatened by the welcome creation of the Office of Tax Simplification. I hope that they do not believe that this is an employment scheme to ensure that they will be able to find their metier in the world of sewage. My only plea is that readability should be higher up the list of priorities.

However, I must say that it is a rare thing indeed for a Bill to have so much support from the industry concerned. That is not to say this Bill is a gift to the industry, to the customer’s detriment. It rather suggests that quite sensible and thorough reforms are contained in the Bill. Credit must go to the Government—and to the Minister—for ensuring that customers will be offered more choice and that the long-term resilience of water and sewage supplies will be more secure.