Iran

Lord Bishop of Ripon and Leeds Excerpts

Thursday 24th October 2013 Grand Committee

[The Lord Bishop of Ripon and Leeds]

My Lords, I am very grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Afshar, for initiating this debate and for introducing it so comprehensively. I am aware, through contacts, of Iranian students in Leeds and of some of the difficulties of which noble Lords have been speaking in terms of their education and the way that that has developed, and of the struggle to keep them at Leeds University.

Like others, I have been heartened by the change of political rhetoric following the elections in Iran, and share the high expectations that a more pragmatic stance from Tehran will see progress made on a range of issues, not least the nuclear issues. In view of the speed of recent diplomatic developments and the ambitious timetable set at this month’s talks in Geneva—the six to nine months to which a number of noble Lords have already referred—it would be helpful to have some idea from the Minister as to what she understands to be the end game. What would a normalisation of relations look like? What might be the trade-offs that each party might be required to make? That seems to be at the heart of the question that the noble Baroness has put before us today.

I will take up the references that have been made to issues of human rights in Iran. I want to see progress on the nuclear issue, but I am conscious that in any trade-off we could see a weakening of the Government’s commitment to secure progress on other fronts, particularly that of human rights. Iran appears to be preparing a receptive response to inquiries from international oil and gas companies, in the expectation of the lifting of EU sanctions. That may well be right, and it may well be the direction in which we ought to go. However, it seems premature until we have more in the way of assurances and evidence that human rights will be more respected in Iran than they have been.

I am not yet convinced that a change in Iran’s human rights agenda will come with the Rouhani presidency, because critical decisions continue to be made by the Supreme National Security Council. This remains populated by a cohort of people who spent much of their careers in the military and security services. I listened hard to the arguments, both in this debate and earlier, that Iran has no regional ambitions, and about its place in the funding of rejectionist Palestinian entities. I am not yet convinced by these arguments. For me, there needs to be much clearer evidence of a new Iranian policy in the whole area, as well as new developments at home.

Has the Minister seen any change in the vulnerability experienced by religious and ethnic minorities in Iran, whether by Kurds in Iranian Kurdistan and in Iran, or by people of minority religions? From my own contacts with Iranians in Leeds, particularly those who have fled from Iran, I know that they certainly remain highly on edge as to exactly what the future will hold, for their families back in Iran as well as for themselves.

I am also concerned about the continued fate of the members of the Iranian resistance at Camp Ashraf and the misnamed Camp Liberty in Iraq. What evidence is there of any concern from the Iranian Government for those refugees? Whatever we make of responsibility for last month’s massacre at Camp Ashraf, what are the Government doing to provide for the safety and security of the women, men and children in those camps, whether by means of UN forces or otherwise?

I was grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Williams, for her challenge on the relationships between the Christian churches here—perhaps the Church of England in particular—and Iranian religious leaders. I will take that back and see how we can develop some of those relationships. I absolutely agree with her that it is in discussions, and in deepening religious as well as academic and educational links, that we shall come to understand one another better. We would then be able to move in the sorts of directions that we have been talking about this afternoon.

I hope that the Government will give us a clearer idea of their strategy for balancing the range of competing concerns, so that we can make progress on the nuclear issue without losing sight of the wider picture. I look forward to developments as the discussions go on, especially in our concern for the upholding of human rights.

Homosexuality in Nigeria and Uganda

Lord Bishop of Ripon and Leeds Excerpts

Wednesday 9th January 2013 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Warsi]

As my noble friend is aware from previous Questions, unsuccessful asylum claimants have a right of appeal to the UK courts. Designation under Section 94(5) does not deny a right of appeal to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transsexual applicants from designated countries, including Nigeria. However, claims from nationals of designated countries for non-suspensive appeals that are clearly unfounded must be certified as such and therefore can be appealed only from outside the United Kingdom. There are no plans at this stage to change this.

On my noble friend’s second question, the British High Commission in Kampala is in regular contact with the NGO that he mentioned—Sexual Minorities Uganda—and other Ugandan civil society groups that are campaigning for improved human rights in Uganda. We have in the past provided funding for organisations, including Sexual Minorities Uganda, for training, advocacy and the cost of legal cases related to the protection of LGBT communities and human rights.

[The Lord Bishop of Ripon and Leeds]

My Lords, will the Minister consult with Lambeth Palace and the incoming most reverend Primate the Archbishop of Canterbury on these issues, since Lambeth has considerable experience of relating to these two countries in particular, and of challenging their human rights records?

[Baroness Warsi]

We know that the church has networks in both Uganda and Nigeria. Indeed, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office has called upon those networks in discussions in order to use them as influence and opinion-formers in those countries. We will continue to make sure that that contact remains strong.

Libya

Lord Bishop of Ripon and Leeds Excerpts

Friday 1st April 2011 Lords Chamber

[The Lord Bishop of Ripon and Leeds]

My Lords, I am grateful to the Minister for this debate, and for the way the Motion is phrased to allow us to examine the rest of the Middle East and not simply Libya. I will talk about Libya and about the possible opportunities, referred to briefly by the Minister, that the present discontent may create for Israel and Palestine.

The just war theory, which is deeply embedded in both Christian and humanist thought, is clear that violence must be a last resort, entered into with deep regret and justified only in order to prevent greater violence and repression. I believe that this was achieved through Resolution 1973 and I congratulate both the Government and military personnel on playing a leading part in the international achievement of pathways for humanitarian aid, particularly in eastern Libya, and in the prevention of civilian massacres in Benghazi and Misrata. The involvement of the Arab League is crucial to make it clear that this is no western, let alone Christian, intervention. I was grateful to the Leader of the House for his firm statement last week in an exchange with the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Exeter that faith differences must play no part in this humanitarian operation.

Just war theory also requires clarity about the exit strategy, and about what constitutes success. Exit must be as speedy as possible. There must be no attempt to impose a solution from outside on any people. I would value further comment from the Minister on this, and in particular on our strategy if a stalemate develops between pro and anti-Gaddafi forces.

Among the dangers of any dramatic social change is the threat to freedom of religion—both between religions and within religions—which was referred to by the noble Baroness, Lady Falkner. Our welcome of the fragile development of Egyptian democracy must be tempered with a close watch on the violence against Coptic churches, such as that on 8 March which left at least 13 people dead, and on violence against women, which may be in the name of religion but should have no part in the doctrine of any religious faith.

Egyptian democracy leads to possibilities for Israel and Palestine. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has often said that Arab-Israeli peace will come only once the Arab world democratises. In February, the UK, France and Germany committed themselves to work for welcoming Palestine as a full member of the United Nations by September 2011. That would include serious consideration of the establishment of a two-state solution, which would provide increased security for both Israel and Palestine at this time of heightening tension. Perhaps the noble Lord will tell us how the negotiations with EU partners are progressing and whether they are being damaged by the current unrest.

The Christian church has a responsibility to facilitate dialogue between the three great Abrahamic faiths. The Archbishop of Westminster and the most reverend Primate the Archbishop of Canterbury will host a two-day conference in London in July to help to identify ways in which our churches can work alongside local Christians in the Holy Land to achieve mutual respect and honour. If the two-state solution were one of the results of the Arab spring, it would be a major contribution to the peace not only of the Middle East but of the whole world.

Yemen

Lord Bishop of Ripon and Leeds Excerpts

Tuesday 29th March 2011 Lords Chamber

[Lord Howell of Guildford]

President Saleh has already said that he will step down—we all know that—but it is a question of the timing and, no doubt, the question of to whom power should then transfer. These are obviously very sensitive and delicate questions inside Yemen. Sensible people, supporters and friends of the country and its people want to see the president step down as quickly as possible but in an orderly way. As to outside support, aside from the substantial aid which countries such as our own give to Yemen, the Friends of Yemen group has said that it is very ready to support training and to offer social support, all kinds of social programmes and a variety of other support. It has made clear that that is what it wants to see. However, I am afraid that it is from within Yemen—this is often the case in other Arab countries—that the movement has to come for an orderly transition of power, which is about to take place.

[The Lord Bishop of Ripon and Leeds]

My Lords, in that context, what is the Minister’s assessment of the danger of the protest movement in Yemen being taken over by people who are now opposed to President Saleh but whose record in conflict, particularly with the northern Houthis, is no more democratic than his is?

[Lord Howell of Guildford]

The danger is quite high. There is a danger of all kinds of elements, including the al-Qaeda franchise, other jihadists and the rebel groups that have been present for many years—there is nothing new in some of the matters that we are discussing—taking over and replacing the present unsatisfactory pattern with something equally unsatisfactory. We have to be realistic about this. All the progress throughout the Arab world will not automatically lead to a new dawn of liberal democracy, much as we hope it will.

British Overseas Territories

Lord Bishop of Ripon and Leeds Excerpts

Thursday 10th March 2011 Lords Chamber

[The Lord Bishop of Ripon and Leeds]

My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Hooper, for securing this debate, and for the breadth of her contribution and those of the speakers whom we have heard so far on the multifarious issues that affect the British Overseas Territories. I look forward to the contribution of the noble Lord, Lord Ribeiro.

I will concentrate on the responsibility and opportunity for Britain in the role of many overseas territories as tax havens and on the need for us to face the financial element in the role of those territories to which attention was drawn by the noble Baroness and the noble Lord, Lord Luce. The issues surrounding the tax haven status of some territories are made more important by the secrecy that has developed around them over the years. In the 2008 presidential election campaign, Barack Obama claimed:

“There is a building in the Cayman Islands that houses supposedly 12,000 US-based corporations. That is either the biggest building in the world or the biggest tax scam in the world”.

At a time of cuts in this country that are bearing down hard on all of us, not least on the most deprived, it is crucial that no quarter is given to corporations that hide profits in tax havens in order to avoid tax. I hope that the Government will assure us that they will take the opportunity of the November G20 summit to ensure that the present secrecy laws will continue to be disbanded and that they will use their authority and influence over the overseas territories to ensure that they will be among those who give a lead. I am delighted by the developments in Gibraltar, to which the noble Lord, Lord Luce, referred. I am delighted at the way in which the OECD regulations are developing openness and transparency. However, there is a long way to go.

This is not just a matter of business integrity, crucial though that is. Much of the wealth that is hidden in the tax havens is siphoned from the poorest countries of the world. I am grateful for the Government’s defence of the aid budget in tough times, but I remind noble Lords also of the comments of Andrew Mitchell, the Secretary of State for International Development, that 21st-century development is about much more than aid. It is about creating opportunities across the policy spectrum. This is an area where that could be crucial. Christian Aid estimates that tax havens cost poor countries some $160 billion per year in lost tax revenue. At worst, the aid budget pours into poor countries money that leaks out again to tax havens. What policies do the Government plan to promote to enable poor countries to collect the tax owed to them and to remove the structural barriers to their doing so?

One important point is the extent to which some British Overseas Territories have become dependent as communities on their status as tax havens. Among the responsibilities of the Government must be to help our overseas territories to diversify their economies so that the abolition of tax haven status does not simply create poverty for the people there. To live in a tax haven does not mean that you are rich. There is a desperate need in the Turks and Caicos, as we have heard, and in other countries as well, for the reskilling of people and the acquisition of new knowledge bases. I would be grateful to hear more about plans to support and encourage that diversification, whether it is into agriculture, fishing or tourism. More effort must be made to assist those territories to create economies that are not as dependent as they are now on the financial system.

The historical ties between the United Kingdom and its overseas territories need to be cherished. They are highly valued by the people of the territories. I look forward to promises from the Government that they will enhance those links by aiding the development of those economies in ways that cease to encourage them to be an instrument of oppression for the poorest countries of the world.

In conclusion, I return to the ecological point raised by the noble Baroness, Lady Hooper. The territories have an extraordinarily exciting and important ecological base. They contain a significant number of the species of birds, animals and plants that are in danger and under threat of extinction. Britain is committed to the target of ending the loss of global diversity by 2020, which I very much welcome. The overseas territories are crucial to this aim and I hope that the Minister will tell us more about what plans there are to maintain that diversity. There is a right and developing concern about animal, bird and plant species in the UK. The challenge is far greater in these beautiful and exciting islands.

Gaza Flotilla

Lord Bishop of Ripon and Leeds Excerpts

Wednesday 2nd June 2010 Lords Chamber

[Lord Howell of Guildford]

My Lords, of course I agree with both those wise propositions. The rocketry must cease and that would begin to open the way to better things. Obviously, as the noble Lord says, war leads to the most terrifying, terrible and horrific situations and violence. We all recognise that. The sooner we can bring peace, instead of this horrific situation, the better.

[The Lord Bishop of Ripon and Leeds]

My Lords, will the Minister comment on the role—actual and potential—of Egypt in finding a solution to the immediate and longer-term issues? Egypt shares a border with Gaza. Have the Government been in touch with the Egyptian Government? What fruitful ways forward do they see in that relationship?

[Lord Howell of Guildford]

I shall have to check on whether we have been in touch with the Egyptian Government. Obviously, the Egyptians are very much part of this story. They have very recently removed their part of the blockade on Gaza. More generally, we are hoping for a more positive and active role in this whole area by Egypt, which is an enormous country, than we have seen in the recent past. This may be because the Egyptians face certain internal problems, but a more active role by Egypt and the regional partners generally in this whole affair would be very welcome indeed.