Health and Safety Executive

Debate between Lord Bates and Lord German

Thursday 3rd April 2014 Lords Chamber

[Lord Bates]

I am grateful to the noble Lord for that question. I think that Martin Temple pointed out exactly that. He paid tribute to the work of the HSE, which it does day in, and day out, in maintaining safety standards. One reason why this country enjoys such high standards of health and safety in the workplace is because of the work of the HSE. It is of course necessary to ensure that its work is efficient and effective. For that reason, he suggested that the HSE focus its efforts on major hazard sites rather than those areas of relatively low risk. That is what it has been doing over the past couple of years.

[Lord German (LD)]

My Lords, one of the recommendations in the report is to delink the need to prop up the budget and fines for intervention. We have been here before with speed cameras, where there was a suspicion that police forces were increasing their budgets by overuse of speed cameras. How will my noble friend learn lessons from that, and from the recommendation in the report that fines for intervention should not be linked to propping up the budget of the HSE? What steps will he take to implement that?

[Lord Bates]

It is a good question. The point is that fines for intervention are where visits and inspections have taken place and problems have been found which have resulted in prosecution. In those circumstances, the view of the HSE and of the Government is that the taxpayer should not have to pick up the bill; the person who has not been fulfilling the obligation to implement the rules correctly should pay the price.

Social Security Benefits Up-rating Order 2014

Debate between Lord Bates and Lord German

Monday 3rd March 2014 Grand Committee

[Lord Bates (Con)]

My Lords, the Guaranteed Minimum Pensions Increase Order 2014 and the Social Security Benefits Up-rating Order 2014 were laid before the House on 27 January 2014 and I am satisfied that they are compatible with the European Convention on Human Rights.

I start by touching briefly on the Guaranteed Minimum Pensions Increase Order, which provides for contracted-out defined benefits schemes to increase their members’ guaranteed minimum pensions that accrued between 1988 and 1997 by 2.7%, which is in line with inflation as at September 2013. As noble Lords will be aware, we are not here to discuss the Welfare Benefits Up-rating Order 2014, which was made on 24 January. The rates increased by 1% in that order were debated in Parliament during the passage of the Welfare Benefits Up-rating Act 2013.

Turning to the Social Security Benefits Up-rating Order, I would like to start with the increase in the basic state pension. One of this Government’s first acts was to restore the earnings link to the basic state pension. Indeed, we went a step further and secured a triple lock for pensioners—a commitment from the Government to increase the basic state pension each year by earnings, prices or 2.5%, whichever is the highest. This year, as prices were greater than average earnings and 2.5%, the basic state pension will increase by CPI at 2.7%. The new rate of basic state pension will be £113.10 a week for a single person, an increase of £2.95 from last year. This means that from April 2014 the basic state pension is forecast to be around 18% of average earnings, a higher share of average earnings than at any time since 1992. Our triple lock commitment means that someone on a full basic state pension can expect to receive £440 a year more than if it had been up-rated by earnings since the start of this Parliament.

On pension credit, we have taken an important decision to ensure that the poorest pensioners are able to benefit from the effects of our triple lock. That means that, rather than rising in line with earnings at 1.2%—the minimum required by legislation—the standard minimum guarantee credit in pension credit will be increased by 2% so that the poorest pensioners benefit from the full cash value of the increase in basic state pension. Single people will receive an increase of £2.95 a week while couples will receive an increase of £4.45 a week. Consistent with our approach last year, the resources needed to pay for that above-earnings increase to the standard minimum guarantee have been found by increasing the savings credit threshold, which means that those with higher levels of income will see less of an increase.

I can confirm that additional state pensions will rise in line with inflation at 2.7% in 2014-15. That means that the total state pension increase for someone with a full basic pension and average additional pension will be around £196 a year. The decisions we have taken on pensioners reflect the Government’s belief that even in difficult economic times it is important to protect those who are less able to increase their spending power.

That belief is reflected in our decision to ensure that those benefits that reflect additional costs because of disability will be protected and will be increased by the full value of CPI at 2.7%. These include the personal independence payment, disability living allowance, attendance allowance, incapacity benefit, disability premiums in working-age benefits, the support component of the employment and support allowance, and the limited capability for work and work-related activity element of universal credit. That is also true of the carer’s allowance and the carer premium, both of which will be uprated in line with inflation.

In conclusion, I ask your Lordships to note that at a time when the nation’s finances remains under real pressure, the Government will be spending an extra £3.3 billion in 2014-15. Of that, about £2.7 billion is for the state pension and over £600 million will go to people of working age, with nearly £600 million of those increases going to disabled people and their carers.

The uprating commitment I have outlined today will give real support to the poorest and most vulnerable in society, ensuring that people who are least able to change their incomes are protected against increases in the cost of living. On that basis, I commend the orders to the Committee, and I beg to move.

[Lord German (LD)]

My Lords, I have a number of questions. First, I welcome the triple lock. This is the first time that we have seen prices as the lock that has come into play, which means that pensioners will always benefit from the best of the three options. This is the first time we have seen one of the three locks.

I will spend a few moments on the rationale behind the 1%, 2% and 0.7% for the pensions and other matters. This is really about what is contained in the Government Actuary’s report. For the first time, we see from the Government Actuary what the state of the fund is—the fund from which these benefits will be paid—not just for this year but through to 2018-19. I believe that this is the first time we have been able to have those projections. The report clearly shows that there are a number of difficult years to come, in particular 2015-16. Next year the actuary projects that the Government will have to put in £8 billion extra in order to keep the fund at its one-sixth level of what goes in and what comes out, and what is left in the fund. However, the last table of the Government Actuary’s report shows that the following year will be even more difficult. Can we have some comparison for benefits’ sake?

I will be quite happy if my noble friend wishes to send me information about this or to write to me about it. As we are projecting forward six years to 2018-19, can we have the figures showing how much has had to be contributed in the past 10 years, say, so that each year we can see what the graph or the direction of travel is? Quite clearly, it is not the usual case that the Government have to top up the fund to achieve that one-sixth balance. It might be useful to know how often that happens and what the projections are for the future.

I have just two short questions, one of which relates to the implementation dates in the order. I should probably know the answer to this question, but I would be very grateful if the Minister could answer it, although it is a question similar to, “Why do we always have elections on a Thursday?”. For the dates of implementation, which are contained within this order, we have 1, 7, 9 and 10 April. I know that it does not mean very much if someone has to wait a week longer for their benefit to come through, but why is it not possible to have a single implementation date at the beginning of the financial year, or is there some administrative reason for that?

My second and final question relates to the investments in the national insurance fund. I noticed that the projection from the Government Actuary is that they will fall from £127 million to £90 million. If the investments made £127 million last year, which obviously supported the amount of money that could be put into benefits without having to top them up from the Treasury, why do we see a lower projection in the coming year when all the signs are that investment opportunities are greater in the coming year than they were in the past year? I should be grateful for some explanation, but I will be perfectly happy if my noble friend wants to do that for me in writing.

Pensions Bill

Debate between Lord Bates and Lord German

Monday 20th January 2014 Grand Committee

[Lord Bates]

That was a plea for sympathy.

[Lord German]

No sympathy votes here.

[Lord Bates]

The noble Lord will therefore know that our position is that we do not comment on speculation in the press, even when it is in the Financial Times, and that the Minister’s announcement, which will be given to the House later this week, will be delivered first to the other place, and therefore we will have to respond to it.

Welfare Benefits Up-rating Bill

Debate between Lord Bates and Lord German

Tuesday 19th March 2013 Lords Chamber

[Lord German]

My Lords, in his speech moving the amendment, the noble Lord, Lord McKenzie, made it perfectly clear that it would break the Government’s policy proposal. There was no indication given of how much the benefit bill should rise, though the noble Lord, Lord McKenzie, indicated his preference. However, that is not what is in front of the House. If the amendment were to be passed there would be no proposal as to how much it should rise: 0.5%, 1.5%, 2%, 3% or whatever. Neither does the amendment offer any solutions: it does not offer any ameliorations, it does not seek any exemptions. However, Her Majesty’s Opposition say no to a 1% cap on working-age benefits, yet support a 1% cap on public sector workers’ pay. It is quite strange. I sometimes wonder whether we are living in a parallel universe where the economy is healthy, where there have not been any fundamental economic shocks and where Cypriots can get all their money out of their banks.

However, it is not like that and the Bill is not set in the sort of financial vacuum that some Members seem to think it is. I accept that borrowing is higher than it ought to be, though I wish it were less. I know that we have had to borrow in order to maintain the essence of our welfare state and I agree that growth is critical. However, in these tough times the Government have to take difficult decisions. These decisions are, no doubt, uncomfortable but it could have been worse. As I said at Second Reading, there were lots of things on the table for discussion which could have made this a much tougher prospect for us. As it stands, this is our biggest budget—the budget where we spend £1 in every £4 of government money—and, despite all previous efforts, it is still growing as a proportion of total government spend. Therefore, no matter what we may think, this budget has to make its contribution to helping to put our finances back on a sound footing.

Yesterday, there was a debate in the Moses Room in which the Government proposed a £2.545 billion reduction in the overall welfare spend for 2013-14. Her Majesty’s Opposition rejected this as “vicious” and “contemptible”. Today, we have before us in this Bill a budget proposal of £3.7 billion for the two years following, and that is also rejected by Her Majesty’s Opposition. Therefore, £6.245 billion of savings have been rejected in two days. Yesterday—I have not heard it yet today—I heard a vague assertion about tax avoidance, but it is my understanding that this Government are spending far more on tax avoidance than the previous Government did and putting far more effort into it. When she replies, perhaps the Minister can tell us how much success the Government have had compared with the previous Government.

However, we are talking about £6.245 billion of savings and, in return, the Opposition are offering a tax rise. I refer to the issue of the 50% or 45% rate, which at Second Reading the Minister stated the OBR said would raise £100 million. If you slice that £100 million per annum off the total in cuts which have been rejected over the past two days, that means that there is still £6 billion to find, just to round up the figures. Therefore, we should reject these amendments because they offer no solutions beyond borrowing even more, raising taxes significantly or making deep cuts elsewhere in government expenditure, putting the burden of raising the money to repay it on my children and grandchildren.

This Bill would, in the end, save more than £3 billion a year. In their final year, the previous Government were spending £4 for every £3 they raised from the people of this country in tax. In comparison, this Bill saves £3 billion, but that should be compared with the last year of the Labour Government, when they were borrowing £3 billion a week. This is not a comfortable position in which we find ourselves and I would prefer it not to be happening. I share the aspiration for growth and I want to see our country back on track again. However, as the International Monetary Fund said in its World Economic Outlook last October, Governments need to create the right conditions for growth. It said:

“To anchor market expectations, policymakers need to specify adequately detailed medium-term plans for lowering debt ratios, which must be backed by binding legislation”.

That is what the Bill proposes today and that is what the amendment just does not do. As we cannot get an answer to whether higher taxes, lower spending or borrowing alternatives—or a combination of the three—is being proposed, I have no hesitation whatever in recommending to my noble friends on the Liberal Democrat Benches that these amendments, should the Opposition put them to a vote, should be rejected.

[Lord Bates]

My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord German, referred to the Opposition’s support for the cap on salary increases at 1%. I rise because I came across an interview that the shadow Chancellor, Ed Balls, gave when that policy was announced. This policy will impact on people with a salary above £21,000, below the benefit cap. When pressed on the “Today” programme about how he could justify limiting salary increases in the public sector to 1%, he said:

“And if people expect the Labour Party to say ‘We’ll just oppose’, we can’t do that. [It] would be irresponsible because the priority has got to be getting people into jobs rather than people being paid more”.

That is quite an interesting statement for the shadow Chancellor to make because, in my view, it very much reflects the purpose of this Bill and this amendment.

I do not think that my noble friends on the Front Bench have made life easy for themselves by making this a stand-alone Bill. It certainly should not be viewed that way. It needs to be viewed in the context of the introduction of universal credit, which will bring about benefits of £168 a month to 3 million families. That, because of the wage incentives and the attractiveness of work, will lead to an estimated 300,000 more people finding their way into employment. We need to be very clear that, in all of these measures, whether it be raising tax thresholds, universal credit or this Bill today, we are saying that the best route out of poverty is undoubtedly work.

The scale of the challenge we have in doing that is quite immense. Prior to the recession, unemployment in this country was around 1.62 million. It rose very sharply and when the party opposite left office the rate was 2.49 million. It continued on a trajectory up to 2.68 million. However, it has started to fall and has been coming down quite steadily for a few months and is now down to 2.5 million. The figures show that there are 1 million extra private sector jobs, and that is to be welcomed. Benefit changes that encourage growth and help people find their way into employment are surely things we ought to support.

It would also be nice to ask some of those who supported this amendment where they were last year when benefits were increased by 5.2% and salaries for the lowest paid went up by 1.7%. Where were their voices then? What is so compassionate about paying child benefit to people earning more than £50,000 or letting people earning up to £70,000 receive tax credits? We need to change the configuration so it is always in the interests of people to work and then we need to work to ensure that the jobs are there.

How do we create the jobs for that to happen? Clearly we need to get public spending under control so we can raise tax thresholds for individual workers and reduce corporation tax thresholds. We know that that creates employment the world over. That is why unemployment in this country is falling while in so many other countries it is rising. I understand the points that have been made quite seriously and the concerns that have been raised, but they are looking at this in isolation and, placed in context, this is undoubtedly a measure that in the years to come will reduce the levels of poverty in this country.