(3 years, 7 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, we are creating the new national centre for family hubs to provide expert advice, guidance and advocacy to support local councils in developing those family hubs. They will be very much locally grown and locally specific and should be part of the relationship support network for families who need it.
My Lords, does the Minister agree that all government departments should recognise the vital importance of family to the well-being of society, particularly of course in the field of taxation policy? To that end, will the Government consider the case for including in all draft legislation of relevant departments a family impact assessment?
My Lords, indeed, since 2014 there has been the family test, which I believe is led out of the Department for Work and Pensions, which asks government departments to consider the impact of their policies on families.
(5 years, 9 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, in terms of tariff-setting, there are the powers under the Taxation (Cross-border Trade) Bill. With regard to the Faroe Islands, I think that the figure of 0% has been rounded. We are talking about the total amount of trade to the UK but I agree with my noble friend that the trade agreement with the Faroe Islands, as well as many other smaller trade agreements, is vital.
My Lords, I too am very excited about the prospects of doubling or tripling our trade with the Faroe Islands. Can the Minister confirm that the facile optimism of the Secretary of State must surely now melt as he sees the reduction in our negotiating power when we are on our own compared with having the weight of the EU behind us, particularly in relation to the big hitters. Each of them—Japan, the US and India—will demand concessions, some of which might be painful for us; for example, it is clear that India will demand concessions on visas. That will be unpalatable to many Brexiteers.
(6 years, 6 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, it is clear that there is extraterritorial reach to some of these sanctions. I cannot say anything but that. We are working with the US to see what we can do to make sure that those trade ties can exist. We are working on a range of measures to try to make sure that we protect UK and other EU interests, working with the E3 and the other parties. I cannot give a direct answer because at the moment we are still working through the options. However, I can say that we are working hard to make sure that those interests are protected. We are also working hard to ensure that it is in Iran’s continued interest to be part of the deal, to ensure that we maintain the JCPOA, which we think is critical.
My Lords, surely the blunt truth is that in international trade, the dollar rules. American banks will comply, and the US Administration have totally failed to listen to the representations from President Macron, Chancellor Merkel and our own Foreign Secretary. In those circumstances, would not any lawyers, in the Government or otherwise, urge British firms to be ultra-cautious?
We are actively providing advice through our team on the ground in Iran and through our sector and other teams in DIT. We are trying to make sure that any business that is non-sanctioned is able to flow. We would say that all businesses have to take into account the commercial, legal and financing risks in any transaction, and clearly these sanctions make that difficult. We are trying to work with the US. The noble Lord is right that there was persistent lobbying but the sanctions were still imposed. That is why we are working with our EU colleagues and directly with both the US and the EU to try to protect our businesses and encourage the US to allow us to maintain our economic ties, because we think that they are important.
(7 years, 8 months ago)
Lords ChamberThe main point of our meeting last week with Trade Ministers from around the Commonwealth was to agree a smooth transition, whether there will be an association agreement, a GSP scheme, an EPA or even an FTA. As the noble Lord pointed out, there are a number of countries in the Commonwealth with which we currently do not have FTAs, or any agreement other than WTO. At the moment, we are on WTO terms with Australia, New Zealand, Canada, India and many others. We believe that in the new world all those can be improved to the benefit of the UK and the Commonwealth as a whole.
I thank the noble Lord for his question. I am not able to predict the future of any part of the world, but I can say that the UK’s trade outside the EU has grown more quickly in recent years. Over the last five years or so it has grown by 6% inside the EU but by more than 14% outside it. We therefore feel very optimistic that in a new world of trading more powerfully individually outside the EU we can boost UK exports.
My Lords, New Zealand, for example, is currently negotiating a comprehensive free trade agreement with the European Union. If, after Brexit, which will be at least two years hence, we also seek to have a separate free trade agreement with New Zealand, in what way will we benefit more than if we had remained a member of the European Union?
It is incredibly difficult to answer that question, because we do not know the shape of the EU agreement with New Zealand and what it will agree nor whether in fact it can do it within two years or whether it will take much longer. Equally, I cannot say today what the deal will be with New Zealand. The Prime Minister has announced a working group, which will begin in due time. I am confident that the UK will be in a position to strike comprehensive and beneficial trade deals for the United Kingdom.
(7 years, 11 months ago)
Lords ChamberI can only repeat what has been said in the Statements of my noble friend Lord Bridges to this House on a number of occasions, which is that the Government have not reached a position and are considering all options. Until they do so, we will not be in a position to reveal our plans further.
My Lords, can the noble Lord cite any precedents for being part in and part out of the customs union?
I am aware that Turkey has arrangements whereby agricultural goods and food products are excluded from the goods provision, but that obviously does not include services.