Lord Offord of Garvel Portrait Lord Offord of Garvel (Con)
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My Lords, I will briefly include a consideration of the second group of amendments, talking about the definition of clean energy, and I express my gratitude to my noble friend Lord Trenchard. These amendments address a matter that many in this House have questioned during our debate: Great British Energy’s role and involvement in the production of nuclear. There is no doubt that nuclear energy in some shape or form will have a critical role to play in achieving the Government’s net zero targets. If the Government, via GB Energy, are to recognise the importance of nuclear, it is only right that they consult Great British Nuclear before investing in nuclear technology. That is where Amendment 36, proposed by my noble friend Lord Trenchard, becomes so crucial.

I also support Amendment 10, also proposed by my noble friend Lord Trenchard. This explicitly includes nuclear energy in the definition of clean energy. We know that it offers a reliable, low-carbon source of energy. In addition, Amendment 7, tabled in my name, includes

“the production of nuclear energy”

as part of GBE’s objectives, which complements Amendment 10 and further solidifies nuclear energy’s central role in being part of our long-term solution for energy security and decarbonisation.

Finally, turning to Amendments 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 11, proposed by the noble Baroness, Lady Liddell of Coatdyke, which would expand the definition of clean energy, we support the intention behind them to ensure that we remain inclusive of all potential technologies.

To conclude, I urge the Minister to consider the amendments in my name and those of my noble friend Lord Trenchard carefully, as they would help to ensure a clean, secure, sustainable energy future for the UK.

Lord Cryer Portrait Lord in Waiting/Government Whip (Lord Cryer) (Lab)
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My Lords, I shall speak not so briefly, actually, on this group of amendments concerning the scope of clean energy as defined in the Bill, particularly in relation of carbon capture, usage and storage, hydrogen, nuclear power, biomass and renewable liquid fuels.

Taken together, these amendments seek to broaden the definition of clean energy within the Bill to explicitly include CCUS, blue hydrogen and nuclear energy, while others aim to restrict biomass or impose additional reporting requirements on GBE. While the Government recognise the significance of these technologies and lauds them in achieving net zero, we must resist these amendments, for reasons I will now set out.

I turn first to Amendments 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 11 and 12, tabled by my noble friend Lady Liddell of Coatdyke. These amendments aim to ensure that CCUS and CCUS-enabled blue hydrogen are explicitly covered under Clause 3. The Government recognise that hydrogen and CCUS are vital in our transition to net zero, contributing to decarbonisation and energy security while supporting jobs in key industrial regions.

Analysis by DESNZ—a great acronym—and the Climate Change Committee confirms that CCUS-enabled blue hydrogen will be crucial for scaling up hydrogen production into the 2030s, which was referred to extensively at Second Reading, in Committee and today. On hydrogen, Ministers remain committed to delivering on our current trajectory, which includes offering contracts to the 11 successful electrolytic hydrogen projects through the first hydrogen allocation round and delivering future allocation rounds, as well as providing support for blue hydrogen production through the CCUS programme, with the £21.7 billion recent funding paving the way for the first large-scale blue hydrogen production plant.

Clause 3(2)(b) already enables GBE to facilitate, encourage or participate in projects, such as CCUS and CCUS-enabled hydrogen, that would contribute to the reduction of greenhouse gases from energy produced from fossil fuels. Therefore, these technologies fall within the scope of GBE’s objectives. We have made it clear—in the founding statement, in the Explanatory Notes and during multiple stages of the Bill’s passage—that emerging technologies such as CCUS or hydrogen could be part of GBE’s energy portfolio once it is operational. However, while GBE will be able to invest in these technologies, as we have emphasised on many occasions, it will be an operationally independent company. The exact mix of technologies in which it chooses to invest will therefore be determined in due course and be influenced by available opportunities, now and in future. I hope that the noble Baroness, Lady Liddell, recognises that these arguments are not required and will therefore withdraw her amendment.

I now turn to Amendments 7, 10 and 36, which were spoken to by the noble Lord, Lord Offord, the noble Baroness, Lady Bloomfield, and the noble Viscount, Lord Hanworth, the latter speaking on Amendments 10 and 36 on behalf of the noble Viscount, Lord Trenchard. Amendment 7 in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Offord, seeks to add

“the production of nuclear energy”

as an objective in Clause 3. Amendments 10 and 36 in the name of the noble Viscount, Lord Trenchard, seek to expand the definition of “clean energy” used in Clause 3(2)(a) to ensure that it includes both renewable energy and nuclear energy and would require GBE to consult GBN before it invests in nuclear energy.

We must resist these amendments for two key reasons. First, it is already possible for GBE to invest in nuclear energy. Nuclear energy is already defined as clean energy under Clause 3; as such, its production, distribution, storage and supply are activities that GBE could undertake under Clause 3(2)(a). Secondly, I assure noble Lords that GBE would engage with Great British Nuclear ahead of any such investment in nuclear energy. I do not think that we need to include such a requirement for the Secretary of State to direct GBE to engage with GBN ahead of any investment in nuclear energy given both this context and the fact that the Secretary of State is the sole shareholder in both companies.

This Government view nuclear power as one of the reliable, secure, low-carbon sources of home-produced electricity. It will play an important role in helping to achieve energy security and clean power while securing thousands of good, skilled jobs as well as a range of power and energy supplies. The Government are taking significant steps to advance nuclear energy. GBN is leading the selection of small modular reactor technology. Incidentally, a record £410 million has been allocated for fusion research and development, supporting cutting-edge facilities and research.

I wish to add something regarding the comments from the noble Baroness, Lady Bloomfield. Considering the importance of the remits of the two entities, GBN and GBE, they will remain independent sister companies for the time being to ensure that both organisations are best placed to deliver on the Government’s ambitions for energy security and variety of supply. We are maintaining a nuclear focus board for GBN, with highly specialised and experienced personnel; again, this has been debated over a long period. The two organisations will work together effectively to ensure that the UK is on the path to achieving energy security and clean power while securing thousands of skilled jobs.

I hope that the noble Lord, Lord Offord, recognises that this Government are taking active steps to support the continued growth of the nuclear sector; that he is reassured that the Bill allows for GBE to support nuclear energy within the definition of clean energy; and that he will agree not to press his amendment. 

I now turn to Amendments 13 and 44 in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Boycott; my noble friend Lord Berkeley and the noble Baroness, Lady Young, also spoke to them. Amendment 13 seeks to exclude biomass from the Bill’s definition of clean energy. Amendment 44 would require GBE to produce a plan for its use of biomass power generation and assess the impact of it on both sustainability and its compliance with targets and obligations.

I must resist these amendments for the following reasons. The Government recognise biomass as vital to the UK electricity grid. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and the UK’s Climate Change Committee—the CCC, which engages with Governments of all hues—highlight its role in decarbonisation if strict sustainability policies are in place. Biomass sourced under strict sustainability criteria is considered a low-carbon energy source; the noble Lord, Lord Hamilton, also spoke about this.

The Government support only sustainable biomass, and generators such as Drax receive subsidies only for biomass that meets the UK sustainability criteria. A CfD has recently been agreed with Drax for short-term support from 2027 to 2031 to provide crucial low-carbon, dispatchable power for UK energy security. With our having introduced tough new sustainability measures with clear and enforceable standards, Drax will need to use 100% sustainably-sourced biomass—up from the current figure of 70%—and no more money will be paid for non-compliant biomass. There will be substantial penalties for any failure to meet these strict criteria, protecting both consumers and the environment.

The comments from the noble Lord, Lord Krebs, were interesting, to say the least. He set out that the figures are more complex than the headline figures might appear. I would add that the UK’s sustainability criteria limit supply chain emissions and include environmental protections. Where biomass comes from forests, land criteria ensure sustainable harvesting and productivity. Large-scale biomass generators can convert to bioenergy with carbon capture and storage—BECCS—which the Climate Change Committee and the International Energy Agency recognise as key to net zero, delivering negative emissions alongside low-carbon electricity. Of course, Drax’s activities are accountable to Ofgem.

Amendments 13 and 44 would unnecessarily constrain the company, despite the role of biomass in balancing an energy system with increasing renewables. GBE will operate independently, with its investment choices guided by strategic priorities and opportunities available at the time. Parliament will scrutinise its activities—we have just discussed this at great length, particularly with regard to Clause 5—through annual reports and standard accountability processes.

The Government have tabled an amendment requiring GBE to review its impact on sustainable development. This will ensure compliance with environmental regulations while supporting nature and biodiversity. The framework document will mandate annual reporting on sustainable development, embedding it into the company’s strategy and operations. Given these reasons, I hope that the noble Baroness, Lady Boycott, can see a way not to press her amendments.

Amendment 35 in the name of my noble friend Lord Berkeley seeks to direct GBE to assess energy-related issues for off-gas grid households and to report on the role of renewable liquid heating fuels. I must resist this amendment for the following reasons. While the Government recognise the challenges faced by off-gas grid households, GBE will have the autonomy to determine its investment priorities. The Government already have measures in place to support those households. For example, the boiler upgrade scheme is receiving an extra £30 million for this financial year, as well as a near-doubling of its budget to £295 million in the next financial year, so that families can benefit from £7,500 off the cost of a heat pump. Evidence shows that 42% of grants under this scheme have gone to properties off the gas grid; that figure is not bad.

As my noble friend Lord Berkeley discussed with my noble friend the Minister, although renewable liquid fuels may play a limited role in decarbonisation, their affordability and supply constraints make them unsuitable for large-scale deployment. We are committed to engaging with industry on the challenges and solutions for decarbonising heat in rural homes, and we will take a considered and proportionate approach. I therefore hope that, with my response and the meetings that my two noble friends have had, my noble friend Lord Berkeley will be able to see a way not to press his amendment.