National Crime Agency

Debate between Jim Shannon and Bob Stewart

Wednesday 22nd October 2014 Commons Chamber

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

It is always a pleasure to speak on issues of such importance, and for the Democratic Unionist party to get the opportunity to debate an issue of such regional and national importance.

As we know, the National Crime Agency became fully operational last October, and it was set up to work alongside law enforcement organisations to tackle serious and organised crime. It boasts of a national and international reach covering areas such as sexual exploitation, drugs, human trafficking, fraud, cybercrime and organised criminal groups, to name just a few. The NCA delivers its national response through four pillars: pursue, prevent, protect and prepare. That all sounds well and good, but it cannot pursue, cannot prevent, cannot protect, and cannot prepare in Northern Ireland as it can in the rest of the United Kingdom—and as it would like to—and as my hon. Friend the Member for East Londonderry (Mr Campbell) said, the whole United Kingdom will suffer from that. The NCA sounds good, but it cannot deliver its promises or cover the areas that it claims to cover.

While I have great respect for the hon. Members for South Down (Ms Ritchie) and for Foyle (Mark Durkan), I cannot agree with what they are saying. We have great difficulty trying to understand exactly why they, as members of a nationalist party, cannot agree to support the NCA and move things forward.

On Monday the NCA claimed that the system cannot realistically prosecute all 50,000 sex offenders. That is what it stated: 50,000 sex offenders are free to act as they wish in Northern Ireland because of the intransigence of the nationalist parties. That is particularly worrying as “child sexual exploitation and abuse” is the first “crime threat” listed on the NCA’s website—my right hon. Friend the Member for Belfast North (Mr Dodds) also referred to that. Furthermore, recent years have seen a number of historical cases of child abuse come to light throughout the UK, from those involved with TV and radio, to those in responsible positions in children’s homes. That makes the latest statement from the NCA truly worrying.

Ultimately, owing to the huge scale of child sex crime in Britain, some paedophiles will escape prosecution as police target the most dangerous abusers among the 50,000 regularly viewing indecent images of youngsters. Just this week, Keith Bristow said that it was unrealistic to expect the criminal justice system to deal with every child sex offender, and that it was time to start “thinking differently” about how the police pursue less dangerous offenders. Several things sprang to mind when I read that in the news. The NCA is crucial for accountability, and we need it to be active in Northern Ireland, to make its case, and for us to have its protection as well as its experience. What does it say for our system that child sex crime in the United Kingdom is so large and widespread? We all know about the disturbing evidence across the whole of the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland that shows that it is a clear issue.

[Bob Stewart]

I took a lot of comfort from the words of the hon. Member for Foyle (Mark Durkan). To me he suggested that some things have changed and that there was a possibility that the SDLP would now consider the matter. That is the way I read the speech. Perhaps I am wrong—[Interruption.] He is nodding, and that is exactly the way I read the speech. There is a possibility that we can get agreement from the SDLP, which is fantastic.

[Jim Shannon]

It has taken SDLP Members two years to come to that position, but it is always good when they eventually arrive at it. We will wait to see what happens in the next week or two when the talks proceed. There is now even less of a deterrent for criminals when it comes to those areas not covered by the NCA in Northern Ireland.

High Court Judgment (John Downey)

Debate between Jim Shannon and Bob Stewart

Thursday 27th March 2014 Commons Chamber

[Jim Shannon]

It most definitely is not, and everyone in this House would endorse that. It is an example of more salt being put in people’s wounds

There can be no earthly action that can ever wash away this guilt. I am also heartened that in the next world these people will answer for their crimes, as my hon. Friend the Member for South Antrim (Dr McCrea) mentioned earlier.

Sympathies given by a Minister of State about the deaths mean less than nothing to the families of my cousin Kenneth Smyth, murdered by the IRA on 10 September 1970, and Lexie Cummings. They are an insult to their memories and the memories of all the men and women who had their lives snatched away from them by murderers who were then hidden and protected by this Government and the previous Government. Is this democracy? No. Is this moral? No. Is this simply abhorrent and downright wrong? Yes it is. There can be no whataboutery and no justifications or explanations that can satisfy. Apologies have been heard, but they do not make black to be white, wrong to be right, or broken hearts to be mended. Do they rebuild trust? No, they do not do that, either.

In a question to the then Secretary of State in 2011 about the Historical Enquiries Team, I asked:

“The concern is that the investigations might not have been thorough, so does the Secretary of State accept that confidence needs to be instilled in the Unionist community”?—[Official Report, 30 November 2011; Vol. 536, c. 919.]

It is little wonder that the then Secretary of State would not agree, because they knew what had happened and what continued to happen on their watch, and they knew that it would not inspire confidence.

You can understand, Madam Deputy Speaker, why we on this side of the House and in this party—and I specifically—have concerns about how the Government have handled the matter. I look forward to the Secretary of State’s response; I hope she can take our points of view on board. I am deeply interested to hear how she will answer them and we look forward to that.

I want to mention a couple of other incidents, because I cannot let this occasion pass without mentioning them. There was the atrocity at La Mon hotel when many people were burnt alive—it is in my constituency. It has been intimated that some of those involved in that have risen to high positions, either in Northern Ireland’s jurisdiction or perhaps in jurisdictions elsewhere, in the Republic of Ireland. Do they have a paper of absolution that lets them get away with what they have done in the past? On behalf of the people in La Mon, I would certainly like to get more details about who has had absolution and how that has worked.

I also think of Ballydugan, where four Ulster Defence Regiment men were murdered. I knew three of those young UDR men personally. Eight people were arrested; they were questioned and then let out. Again, perhaps the Secretary of State can give us some indication of whether any of those eight people had papers of absolution or the “get out of jail free” card. If they had, I will certainly be asking for a re-investigation to be done in relation to them.

[Bob Stewart]

As a result of this extremely good debate this afternoon, I hope that those people with letters will get the message: they have not got a “get out of jail free” card. They have not got an amnesty, and the Police Service of Northern Ireland will now be turning its attention to investigating them and finding them.

[Jim Shannon]

That is exactly what I want to hear from the Secretary of State. I look forward to hearing that that is going to be the case.

The fact is now that not only have the Unionist people no confidence in the dealings of the Government, but the right-thinking moral nationalists are also disgusted by the revelations about the on-the-runs. Let me be rightly understood here: this is not simply an affront to one community but an affront to democracy and justice, and it will take some time for the people of Northern Ireland—whether man or woman, old or young, rich or poor, Protestant or Catholic—to ever again look without much suspicion on the actions of a Government who will take on terrorists on foreign shores, while protecting unrepentant terrorists on their own soil.

I hope that since 2010 Members will have recognised that I have tried in this House always to be very balanced. I have striven to look on the bright side in everything I do, as I do with my constituents as well, and I always attempt not to be too harsh in my comments. There is no bright side in this issue—just shady deals in back rooms. I cannot leave the debate with my usual hope and optimism that something can be done to make things better. Although the Secretary of State has tried to assure us that the letters cannot now be used as a “get out of jail free” card, will that restore confidence? There is a judicial review, but will that restore trust?

I have no plan or quick fix. Only openness and transparency will rebuild what has been destroyed because of what has taken place in the last few months. Many of my constituents have said to me, “I fear what else has been agreed behind our back.” If there is more bad news to come, Secretary of State, we need to know what that is going to be and whether there are any other shady deals that the previous Government have done and that this Secretary of State and the Government are carrying on.

I ask for the truth. The truth has to be heard here today. What I will always think of through this episode is the dirty dealing that rocked a nation and robbed trust in the very principles of democracy and freedom. That is how we feel about it.

The time has come to hold all the terrorists and murderers to account for their actions over the past 40 years, which they might think they have got away with. I believe that, as the hon. Member for Beckenham (Bob Stewart) said, it is up to the Secretary of State and this Government to make them accountable for their crimes, to do away with their bits of white paper and to put them in jail and let them rot there for the rest of their lives.

NHS

Debate between Jim Shannon and Bob Stewart

Wednesday 5th February 2014 Commons Chamber

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

Thank you for calling me, Madam Deputy Speaker. I will certainly leave sufficient time for the hon. Member for Walsall South (Valerie Vaz) to follow me.

It is a pleasure to speak in this debate. When it comes to the NHS, the nub of the matter is the same for both Government Members and Opposition Members. We have a real pride and interest in it, and we want it to do well. Over our years in this world, we and our families have all been recipients of its services, so it is very important.

The issue is a UK-wide one. Recently in Northern Ireland, some tough decisions have had to be made to close some A and E departments at particular times, and there have certainly been bumps in that process and better preparation might have prevented those problems. Such a decision was taken by the chief executive of the trust in my Down district council area. The hon. Member for South Down (Ms Ritchie) and I had an opportunity to meet the chief executive to discuss the issue and put forward our constituents’ viewpoint, but our opinion was not met favourably. The chief executive felt that there was no other option, and that other hospitals in the area could cope with the additional pressures. That decision has come under close scrutiny and review, and the savings or outcomes are not yet fully known, but the decision was taken and it stands.

The thrust of this debate is about improving patient care. The Government amendment to the Opposition motion mentions

“compassionate care, integration…and patient safety.”

We could combine the wording of both the motion and amendment and look for the same thing, and it is important to do so.

The NHS is one of the things that we can most be proud of in the UK—a system by which all people are entitled to a high level of care at no cost other than their tax and national insurance contributions. However, no matter how much money is spent in the Health Department, there is always a need for more. The portfolio of a Health Minister or Secretary of State is not one that I would take on for, as we used to say, all of the tea in china, and that is a lot of tea. I take my hat off to my colleague Edwin Poots at home, and all those who have to make tough decisions. I sometimes feel that I could not make such decisions, but I understand why they have to do so.

In preparation for this debate I considered the differences between how A and Es are run and the different quality of care in A and Es in different areas. In delving into the subject, I came across the last three words of the Opposition motion, which are “improving patient care”. I was shocked by a briefing I received from Macmillan Cancer Support, which was referred to by the hon. Member for Worsley and Eccles South (Barbara Keeley). Macmillan is very close to my heart, as I believe it is to many in the Chamber, because of the issues it deals with. I was left with no option but to use this opportunity to highlight the care of the cancer sufferers and survivors, whom we all know.

According to Macmillan Cancer Support, between 2015 and 2020 the number of people living with or beyond cancer in the UK will rise from 2.5 million to 3 million. By 2020, almost half the people living in the UK will be diagnosed with cancer during their lifetime. Just this week, I had an opportunity to go to the Backbench Business Committee—I was seeking a debate on another issue—and the hon. Member for Basildon and Billericay (Mr Baron) asked for a debate on cancer. The figures and headlines that we have seen this week indicate that cancer is a time bomb. It is frightening stuff. It used to be said that one in three people would be intimately affected by cancer, with a diagnosis for either themselves or an immediate family member; now that is changing to a cancer diagnosis for one in every two people.

In the run-up to that, we must certainly get our ducks in a line—if I may use such terminology—to ensure that we are ready, and that patient care will be of top quality, no matter what people’s postcode. The fact is that although our palliative care is second to none and there have been improvements in diagnosis rates, the UK is not to the fore in survival rates. Given that we face one in every two people having a cancer diagnosis in the very near future, that needs to change and to become a priority. If we can deal with a diagnosis early, we can improve survival rates. That is what we should all try to achieve.

Macmillan highlighted that a recent study on cancer survival rates in 29 countries in Europe—the Eurocare-5 research—has shown that the UK continues to lag behind other European countries. Macmillan is pleased to learn that the UK five-year survival rates for melanoma are 85% compared with the European average of 83%.

[Bob Stewart (Beckenham) (Con)]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[Jim Shannon]

I am happy to give way, although I am mindful of the time.

[Bob Stewart]

I am a man. One of the problems with being a man is cowardice. The cancer survival rates would increase hugely if people like me would man up and get themselves checked out more often than they do. I am pointing the finger at myself.

[Jim Shannon]

The hon. Gentleman is correct in respect of prostate cancer. Medical organisations are also trying to highlight that problem.

Despite the improvement, I am concerned that the overall survival rates for nine out of 10 common cancers are lower than the European average. We have low survival rates for kidney, stomach, ovarian and colon cancers, and intermediate survival rates for rectum, breast and prostate cancers, cutaneous melanoma and non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma. Furthermore, the UK has one of the lowest survival rates in Europe for elderly patients. One reason for the rise in cancer rates is that people are living longer. Given that we have an ageing population, it is essential for the Government and the NHS to prioritise cancer care and early diagnosis.

Both the motion and the amendment refer to an integrated system. This week, we had the climax of the Committee stage of the Care Bill. The Minister who is responding to this debate said that he had visited Northern Ireland to see how our integrated care system works. The hon. Member for Leicester West (Liz Kendall), who was here earlier, expressed a wish to come to Northern Ireland to see how that system works. I hope to facilitate that for her so that the Opposition can understand the system that we have back home. We must have early diagnosis. That relies on patients informing their GPs of their symptoms, but also on the correct referrals being made and tests carried out when patients present at A and E departments. That should be considered when there is any shift around in care for those in A and E. If somebody is sent home with painkillers and told to make an appointment with their GP, how does that link up to the integrated system?

As I stated at the beginning of my comments, no matter how much money is allocated to the Department of Health, it will never be enough to meet the needs. For that reason, the Department is tasked with making savings. I understand that that is essential, but it is also important that the care that people receive through the NHS is second to none. There is a way of balancing those demands. Tough decisions need to be made and changes must be put in place, but the priorities must be clear. I ask for cancer care, including early diagnosis and support services, to be prioritised. I hope that everyone agrees that the most important words in the motion are “improving patient care”. On that, I think the House can unite.

Energy Company Charges

Debate between Jim Shannon and Bob Stewart

Tuesday 4th February 2014 Commons Chamber

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I congratulate the hon. Member for Harlow (Robert Halfon) on his crusading efforts on many issues in this House. He has talked about fuel costs in the past, and now he has turned to energy bills and tariffs. I commend him for his energetic investigation across the whole of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to ascertain the charges and costs that are involved.

This is a very pertinent issue. I am sure that many hon. Members’ constituents are facing the same difficulties as mine. In July, Northern Ireland’s biggest energy company, Power NI, increased its household electricity bills by 17.8%, which meant that the average household supplied by the company paid an extra £90 per year. There was a lot of disquiet across the whole of Northern Ireland about that increase. While it might be an inconvenience to many people, and to many others it might mean the sacrifice of a luxury to cover the difference, for some of the elderly in my constituency it will mean that they have to make the choice between a bit of heat or something to eat. This debate could have been entitled, “Heat or Eat?” For some of the people I represent, and some of those we all represent in this House, it is as specific and dire as that.

[Bob Stewart]

Why does the hon. Gentleman think that the charges in Northern Ireland, a part of the United Kingdom, seem to go up proportionately more than in the rest of the United Kingdom?

[Jim Shannon]

I wish I had the answer to that question, but I do not. My hon. Friend the Member for East Antrim (Sammy Wilson) and the hon. Member for South Down (Ms Ritchie) both said how much more expensive the charges are in Northern Ireland than anywhere else in the United Kingdom. As my hon. Friend outlined, the Utility Regulator in Northern Ireland does not seem to have the teeth that are needed to ensure that companies reduce their prices. We need to address these issues. I thank the hon. Gentleman for his intervention, but unfortunately I do not have the answer that we would very much wish to have.

Cyber-bullying

Debate between Jim Shannon and Bob Stewart

Tuesday 3rd December 2013 Commons Chamber

[Jim Shannon]

I thank my hon. Friend for that valuable practical example of what happened to him and for saying how he responded in his fearless way. It shows that if he can do it, everyone else can do it, and that is leadership as it should be.

Children and young people are now able to access the internet almost anywhere in a range of different ways through iPads, mobile phones and other portable devices. It is difficult for parents to monitor their children’s use of the internet, even if they wish to do so, beyond the lowest estimations. It is difficult even for those who are learned in this technology, who still cannot be entirely sure of what their children are doing.

[Bob Stewart]

As a parent of four teenage children, I have learned a heck of a lot today and I thank right hon. and hon. Members on the DUP Benches for introducing the debate. I have learned that I do not know enough about cyber-bullying and that as a parent I have to get with it, understand it and discuss it with my teenagers. I suspect that the House will agree with me on that and will forgive me for intervening to share with it something that I have learned.

[Jim Shannon]

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his admission. We have all admitted that we can learn something every day, and so we can.

A recent Ofcom report shows that 68% of 12 to 15-year-olds in the UK have a profile on a social networking site. Among nine to 12-year-olds, who are too young officially to have their own Facebook account, 36% report having a Facebook profile, with 13% saying that they use it regularly. How aware are parents of their children’s access to social networking sites and what goes on through those sites? That is the question we are all asking.

The internet is changing fast and parents are clearly concerned about the rapid proliferation of harmful online content and what their children might be viewing. Ofcom highlights the fact that 79% of parents of children aged five to 15 who use the internet at home say that they have put in place rules about internet use. They have done it, but is it working? According to a report driven by Dr Sonia Livingstone at the London School of Economics, 81% of parents feel the need to talk to their children about what they do and view online and more than half stay nearby when their child is on the internet. If only that was possible in every case.

Those last two statistics are encouraging, demonstrating a real desire on the part of many parents to be actively involved in their children’s online experience. In that context we need to empower them to help their children to address issues such as cyber-bullying. This will inform those parents who are interested and concerned and also, we hope, prompt those who are not taking an active interest in the safety of their children online to do so. In that regard, I draw the attention of the House to the excellent Online Safety Bill, which will have its Second Reading in the other place on Friday. The Bill has two key provisions, one of which is designed to engage with the challenge of cyber-bullying.

In the first instance, the Bill places a statutory duty on internet service providers and mobile phone operators to exclude all adult content, while providing the user with the option of accessing such material subject to robust age verification to demonstrate that they are 18 or over. The provision is designed to help parents protect their children from stumbling, either accidentally or on purpose, on inappropriate material.

In the second instance, the Bill places a duty on internet service providers and mobile phone operators to provide prominent, easily accessible and clear information about online safety to subscribers. It also places a duty on the Secretary of State to educate parents of children under 18 on online safety. That key educational provision has been made primarily to engage with online challenges such as cyber-bullying and sexting.

The Bill is a noble proposal. It could and should move a long way towards achieving what we are trying to do today. I hope that the Government will embrace it and, in so doing, help to protect children from stumbling on inappropriate material and—of greater importance to this debate—to protect them from cyber-bullying.

Defence Personnel

Debate between Jim Shannon and Bob Stewart

Thursday 6th December 2012 Commons Chamber

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I congratulate the right hon. Member for North East Hampshire (Mr Arbuthnot) on setting the scene so well, providing some focus for many of us. I thank other hon. Members who have also made significant, worthwhile and knowledgeable contributions to the debate, and those who will do the same in a few moments.

I begin by saying that I stand in support of the tremendous sacrifice and work that our defence personnel carry out every day of their lives. As a member of the armed forces parliamentary scheme—there are others dotted around the Chamber—I have been privileged to see a lot of what our soldiers, sailors, airmen and women do around the world, and it makes me even more thankful for the job they do, away from friends and family on the front line or in training or when stationed elsewhere. We do not always know what they daily go through—I know membership of the armed forces parliamentary scheme provides some indication of it—in service to Queen and country. We know that because of them there is freedom and democracy not only in this United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland but right across the world—and for that we are truly and immensely grateful.

Many of us will have watched films on TV based on the wars in the past—from the American war of independence, the American civil war and on to the Great war—and we all have seen the march of troops head on into the firing line. That is not the way wars are fought today: warfare has evolved, and the British Army has evolved with it, remaining the foremost Army in the world. I believe that this must remain so. We have obligations worldwide in the security of our nation and in playing our part to help those who are oppressed or living in injustice. Those aims must continue to be fulfilled by whatever shape the new Army takes. The British Army and this Government have not been found wanting when it comes to promoting those good objectives—in Iraq, in Afghanistan and elsewhere across the world.

I want to focus on the changes that will follow the withdrawal from Afghanistan and the draw-down from Germany, and to do so from a Northern Ireland perspective. I want to reflect on what the Army expects to look like then, and, more important, on Northern Ireland’s role in the 2020 British Army.

Northern Ireland has a rich military history. Although we are such a small part of the United Kingdom, our incredible level of military service—which is backed up by the figures—demonstrates that we are intrinsic to the make-up of the greatness of that great nation. It is clear from the fact that Northern Ireland contains only 3% of the United Kingdom’s population but provides 20% of the reserve forces on active service that we more than play our part. We have much to offer in Northern Ireland as a major part of the evolution of the armed forces.

[Bob Stewart (Beckenham) (Con)]

I understand that more Victoria Crosses have been awarded to Irishmen than to the English, the Scots and the Welsh put together. I congratulate the Irish on that.

[Jim Shannon]

The hon. Gentleman’s facts are absolutely correct. I thank him for what he has said. Let me also take the opportunity to thank him for the immense contribution that he has made in his former role as a soldier, both in Northern Ireland and elsewhere in the world, and in particular for the part that he played, as an officer in his regiment, in the peace that we now have in Northern Ireland. His contribution is not often mentioned, and I wanted to put it on the record.

By tradition, we in Northern Ireland have never had to be conscripted to provide service personnel. We go above and beyond our duty, and that should be acknowledged and respected. Although in many instances the troubles in Northern Ireland highlighted segregation, the Army and the cadets now recruit from all sectors of the community. I want to stress to the Minister the importance of our cadets and reserve forces to community involvement and community-building. The Army works hard in those different parts of the community to show people what a great career can be enjoyed in the forces.

Our cadet force recruitment has been second to none, crossing the religious and political divides. The highest levels of recruitment are from areas that are traditionally less supportive of the military—Strabane, Londonderry, Limavady and Enniskillen. The importance of the cadet forces to our society cannot be sufficiently underlined. Northern Ireland, in my view, has the most rationalised and efficient cadets in the United Kingdom. We develop a higher proportion of our soldiers and sailors on operations than any other region, and we have the most and the best recruitment in the UK.

The main link between the Ministry of Defence and the communities in Northern Ireland is first through the cadets and secondly through the reserves. The success story lies in the fact that people from what are, perhaps, the traditionally less supportive areas are now joining the cadets in rising numbers. The position must be enhanced in the future, and that demands a commitment from the Ministry of Defence: cadets today, reserves and a full-time Army tomorrow.

I believe that there is much scope for Northern Ireland to house and facilitate the training of troops in buildings that are already owned and operated by the British Army. I suggest that Thiepval barracks in Lisburn, which currently houses the 38th Brigade, should be retained and enhanced. The draw-down from Germany will provide an opportunity for that to be done. The garrison at Ballykinler and Palace barracks in Holywood provide accommodation and training facilities that are ready and waiting to be fully utilised—and, of course, we must not forget the facilities at Aldergrove, from which forces have already withdrawn. Again, the draw-down from Germany will provide scope for development.

Those buildings are already intrinsic parts of the community. Officers in the barracks ensure that there is co-operation with young people, and with the community as a whole. It makes a great deal of sense to me—and, I know, to other Northern Ireland Members, who unfortunately are not present today—for facilities that are already available to be part of the 2020 plan for the Army, and I ask the MOD to give that serious consideration. I look forward to the Minister’s response.

It is essential for the plan for the reserve forces to constitute 30% of Army numbers by 2018 to be realised through the use of the many troops that are currently trained and ready to go. Through the armed forces parliamentary scheme, I have had the opportunity—along with others, including the hon. Member for Beckenham (Bob Stewart)—to visit our base in Cyprus, and to note the strategic importance of Cyprus in a very uncertain middle east. We need to be able to call upon fully trained and equipped personnel at any time, and I believe the reserves are a way to achieve that. Although these men and women are not in the Army full-time, they are trained to a very high standard. We must ensure the strength of the reserves does not diminish. We have built up expertise, and it should be utilised as needed. The reserves should form the foundation for the proposed changes, and the Northern Ireland reserve members are an important part of them. Given that, the Ministry of Defence must give commitments on Northern Ireland, as part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and its role in respect of the armed forces.

Everywhere I go in the world, I always come across serving personnel from Northern Ireland with links to my constituency. Fellow members of the armed forces parliamentary scheme have observed that, and they have expressed amazement that there are always such connections. From Afghanistan to Canada, and from Kenya to the Falklands to Cyprus, there is always a Northern Ireland link, which illustrates the commitment of people in Northern Ireland to Queen and country and the principles of freedom and democracy.