Fiscal Rules

Baroness Wheatcroft Excerpts

Tuesday 29th October 2024 Lords Chamber

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

It may surprise the noble Lord but, yes, I absolutely agree with what he says. That will be a vital part of the guard-rails we set out in the Budget tomorrow.

[Baroness Wheatcroft (CB)]

My Lords, borrowing to invest in genuine projects that will improve the productivity of the country obviously makes sense, but if the Government are going to look at the fiscal rules again, will they consider when and how they will account for unfunded public sector pensions? At some stage, the country needs to know about those obligations too.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

I hear what the noble Baroness says. As I have said already, the Chancellor will set out the Government’s full fiscal plan, including the precise details of our fiscal rules, in tomorrow’s Budget.

Budget Responsibility Bill

Baroness Wheatcroft Excerpts

2nd reading & Committee negatived & 3rd reading
Monday 9th September 2024 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Wheatcroft (CB)]

My Lords, I welcome this Bill, short though it may be. We have already heard different views of the Liz Truss mini-Budget. I would merely say that it does seem advisable to try to thwart cavalier, determined efforts to avoid scrutiny by the OBR; it makes one slightly suspicious. However, the OBR can only be as effective as the information with which it is provided. It should be a cause of concern that the OBR chairman, Richard Hughes, has intimated that he was not kept fully in the picture towards the end of the previous Administration. We need to be very wary about a repeat of that.

I believe the whole basis of government accounting is flawed. It focuses solely on the short term, to the detriment of the country’s longer-term interests. Take the current controversy over the winter fuel payment. I will not enter into the rights and wrongs of that decision—we have already heard about those today, and will hear a lot more—although it seems to be a very costly exercise in terms of political capital, for very little financial gain.

However, the £22 billion black hole that we keep hearing about that the Government intend to fill, in part with the proceeds of cutting the winter fuel allowance, is actually more of a bottomless pit, for a major contributor to that £22 billion is the pay rise for public sector workers. That pay rise brings with it huge ongoing costs that do not feature because public sector pensions are not provided for. That is a massive obligation which is simply swept under government carpets. According to the whole of government accounts, public service pensions are the largest single liability on the Government’s balance sheet. In 2021-22 they were calculated at £2.6 trillion—greater than the national debt.

The idiocy of this system of accounting was highlighted in a recent article by John Crompton, a former investment banker who has also done three stints at the Treasury. He suggests that the latest public sector pay awards, cited as contributing £9.4 billion to that black hole, could also bring unfunded liabilities of between £3.5 billion and £4 billion every year. Crompton calls this treatment of government liabilities “downright misleading”, and I am afraid it is. The short-term saving from cuts such as the winter fuel allowance will be wiped out year after year by numbers that do not appear in the accounting at superficial levels.

So, while I welcome the Bill as a minor improvement, I ask the Minister whether he agrees that the time has come for a much more radical rethink of government accounting. Yes, cash flow is important, but, as every household knows, concentrating solely on income and expenditure is not the way to build a healthy economy. Major infrastructure projects, such as those cited by the noble Lord, Lord Eatwell, are essential. Cancelling them because of a short-term need to cut expenditure, as this Government have done, may be foolhardy. A proper net worth finances method of accounting, dealing with government expenditure over the longer term, would enable a much more effective long-term view to be taken of the costs and benefits of investment. A change to a more sensible fiscal framework would make for much healthier, better management of public finances, and it would contribute to the growth that we absolutely need.

The Minister explained that the Government have three aims as far as the Bill and the economy are concerned: stability, investment and reform. I ask him to really be serious about reform.

Public Spending: Inheritance

Baroness Wheatcroft Excerpts

Tuesday 30th July 2024 Lords Chamber

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

I am extremely grateful to my noble friend for his kind words. He is quite right: not only are the previous Government guilty of what we are discussing today, of running up an enormous overspend and of hiding that from Parliament, the public and the Opposition at the time, but they left us with possibly the worst economic inheritance since the Second World War. That contrasts sharply with the performance of the economy under the last Labour Government. Of course, growth is absolutely our priority. That growth will take time, but we are absolutely committed to doing what it takes to return this economy to a sustainable level of growth.

[Baroness Wheatcroft (CB)]

My Lords, I welcome the Minister to his position on the Front Bench. As we listen to this tale of consistent overspend and budget failures being swept under the carpet, it is very hard to imagine that civil servants in several departments were not increasingly unhappy about what was going on, including a lack of a spending review since 2021—extraordinary really. Can the Minister assure those civil servants that they will not be guilty if they come forward and talk of any pressures that have been applied to them? The previous Government had form on that, and I think that there should be an amnesty for any civil servant who was put in a deeply uncomfortable position by, in effect, telling untruths to the country.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

I am grateful to the noble Baroness for her question. Of course, at the end of the day, civil servants advise and Ministers decide. We have full confidence in the Treasury and all civil servants in the way that they do their jobs. She is absolutely right that part of the problem was the continual delay to hold a spending review; the last spending review was in 2021. That sits behind so many of these problems: that budgets were never adjusted to account for any of the decisions that were taken subsequent to that spending review.

The Chancellor announced yesterday that she has commissioned the OBR to deliver a full economic and fiscal forecast, which will be presented alongside a Budget on 30 October. She also announced that the Government have launched a multi-year spending review to conclude in spring 2025, setting budgets for at least three years of the five-year forecast period. As part of this, final budgets for this year and next year will be set alongside the Budget on 30 October. The Government are also committed to holding a spending review every two years, which will set departmental expenditure limits for three years, to avoid uncertainty for departments and bring stability back to our public finances.

European Investment Bank

Baroness Wheatcroft Excerpts

Wednesday 24th July 2024 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Wheatcroft (CB)]

If the Government are to set a good example about investing in the UK, should they not perhaps start at home and invest a little more of the MPs’ pension fund?

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

I think that is a question for Parliament rather than the Government.

Financial Services and Markets Bill

Baroness Wheatcroft Excerpts

Report stage
Tuesday 6th June 2023 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Penn (Con)]

My Lords, the UK is a leading jurisdiction for sustainable finance, and the Government are proud of that record and determined to maintain and further that position. Since Committee stage, London has been ranked as the leading global green finance centre for the fourth consecutive time. Government effort, including on sustainability disclosure and reporting, has played a vital role.

The Government’s success in green finance has been down also to the responsiveness and technical capability of our independent regulators, who have collaborated to drive forward our policy on sustainability disclosures. The Government’s approach was established in the 2021 paper, Greening Finance: A Roadmap to Sustainable Investing, where we set out the foundations of sustainability disclosure requirements—or SDR—which build on our world-leading implementation of the recommendations of the Task Force on Climate-related Financial Disclosures, or TCFD. This includes taking forward an approach across the economy to implementing international standards, enabling firms to plan for the transition and ensuring that this information flows to investors and financial consumers. Credible, usable information is a core component of green finance that will allow us to reach our goals on sustainability. When this information is available, market participants can use it to take sustainability into account when making investment decisions. Our plan for SDR is central to delivering this.

In Committee, some noble Lords raised concerns about the Government’s ongoing commitment to implementing these important reforms, the legal basis for implementing them, and the timelines for doing so. I am therefore pleased to be able to update noble Lords on a number of substantive developments since then.

Significantly, the Government published an updated green finance strategy on 30 March. This set out next steps across core elements of SDR. The Government will consult on extending the transition planning requirements—a core component of SDR—to the largest private companies once the Transition Plan Taskforce has completed its work later this year. The Government will also set up a framework to assess the suitability of the IFRS International Sustainability Standards Board’s standards for adoption in the UK. The Government remain committed to delivering a usable and useful UK green taxonomy and expect to consult on this in autumn 2023. They are also committed to setting out further detail on SDR implementation and the timeline for it this summer to reflect the rapid development of international standards.

Alongside this, the Financial Conduct Authority continues to take forward SDR for authorised persons, including consumer-facing disclosure requirements, under its existing objectives and rulemaking powers, which are sufficiently broad for the purpose. The FCA intends to issue its policy statement on SDR and investment labels in the third quarter of this year.

However, the Government recognise that SDR policy has strong links to wider environmental policy and that they therefore have an important role to play in shaping SDR. That should be recognised in legislation. Parliament must be able effectively to scrutinise the actions of government and the regulators in this area.

Amendment 4 will therefore require the FCA and the PRA to have regard to any policy statement made by the Treasury on SDR when they make rules in connection to sustainability disclosures. The amendment obliges the regulators to consider the Government’s wider policy goals when bringing forward SDR rules, while still maintaining their independence.

Regulators will also be required to report on how they have satisfied the requirement to have regard to any such policy statement on an annual basis. This will support Parliament in scrutinising the regulator’s actions on SDRs. This ongoing reporting will support transparent, structured co-operation between the regulators, government and Parliament to achieve the UK’s objectives in this space.

We will be debating a number of other sustainable finance issues today, and disclosures are at the heart of some of the matters that they raise. The amendment is therefore an important measure in that context as well as in its own right. I beg to move.

[Baroness Wheatcroft (CB)]

My Lords, I thank the Minister for her introduction of Amendment 4 and her willingness to engage with Peers on the topic of sustainable disclosure requirements. However, while a government amendment on this important topic is welcome, what we have heard is yet more delay. A cynic might judge the amendment to have a whiff of green- washing about it. It does not do enough and does not do what is required. The amendment seeks to give regulators and Ministers the necessary powers to bring forward rules and regulations on SDRs in fulfilment of commitments that they made in 2019, 2021 and again in the green finance strategy in March this year.

Amendment 114 is an effort to be helpful because, despite making commitments for five years, the Government still do not have the powers to make sustainable disclosure requirements happen. Amendment 4 does not confer those powers. The noble Baroness, Lady Ritchie of Downpatrick, submitted a Parliamentary Question on this issue on 14 November last year, and the Government’s response was that:

“The FCA has extensive powers to … impose some of the Sustainability Disclosure Requirements”.


The noble Baroness also asked about the powers available to the Department for Work and Pensions, which would legislate for sustainability reporting by occupational pension schemes. An extensive search of the powers held by the DWP in relation to public reporting and sustainable reporting has found none that is suitable.

Amendment 4 gives the Treasury the power to issue a policy statement on SDRs and to require the regulators to report against it, but it is not an obligation—the Treasury “may” prepare an SDR policy statement. As the Minister admitted in her response last year to the noble Baroness, Lady Ritchie, the FCA does not have the powers to actually implement SDRs. It seems that we are looking at a Whitehall paper trail that keeps everyone occupied but with no meaningful legislation.

I am in favour of easing unnecessary burdens on business. However, repeatedly indicating—as they have for five years—that the Government are planning to legislate but not actually doing it creates a burden in itself for business. Should it invest in data, in systems or in strategy? After so many reassurances but so little progress, and more reassurances today, no one really seems to know the answer.

I noted with interest that the Minister’s letter to Peers ahead of tabling this amendment said that

“the Financial Conduct Authority is taking forward Sustainable Disclosure Requirements (including consumer facing requirements) under its existing objectives and rulemaking powers which are sufficiently broad for the purpose”.

I would like to understand the misalignment between that statement and the earlier Answer to the Question from the noble Baroness, Lady Ritchie. Is it because there has been a change of heart and the Treasury has discovered that the powers exist after all? I would be grateful if the Minister could clarify that. Or has the Treasury limited its proposals from its original ones so, while it did not have the powers for the original proposal, it does for the new, limited proposals? Or—and it would be deeply disappointing if this were the case—is the reference in the Minister’s letter to the FCA to “taking forward” SDRs intended to mean that the FCA would be merely progressing the work but not actually implementing it? Again, I would be grateful for clarification. The FCA consultation on SDRs closed on 25 January. We are promised a policy statement in the third quarter but, without statutory powers, that would be pointless.

I hope the Minister will be able to answer those questions and now, if we are able to accept the amendment, I hope she will be able to go a little further. While the amendment sets the right tone, it does not do what is needed. It embraces the idea of SDRs but does not make them a reality. The same governmental reluctance to take real action lies behind my Amendment 7, concerning vote reporting. If investors are to make serious decisions on ensuring that their savings are put to work in a sustainable way, it is essential that they be able to see how those who manage the money choose to vote on corporate issues. That is a crucial part of being an engaged investor. The FCA itself acknowledges that. Earlier this year, its vote reporting group stated:

“Improving transparency of how asset managers vote on behalf of their clients will mean investors can better hold them to account on their stewardship”.


We would all want that, but currently it is not possible for investors always to learn how their investments are being voted. Yes, there is now an FCA requirement under the shareholder rights directive that fund managers and insurers produce an annual report on how they have voted, but it is only that they must comply or explain; and even then, the requirement is only that they should report on significant votes. The FCA gives no guidelines as to what should be deemed significant, and what one investor feels is significant may not concur with what a fund manager deems so.

The fund manager is required to report only at group level, so, in terms of the individual funds in which investors and pension funds might be invested, how their votes have been voted in the individual funds cannot be seen; it is only possible to see across the group, which is effectively meaningless for many people who want to find out how their money is being used. A report is required to be made only annually—a hopeless timescale in an industry that moves as fast as this one. Nor is there any standard form for vote reporting. It is not a lot to ask in a digital age. The SEC in the US certainly demands it.

For all those reasons, the current situation does not serve investors as well as it should. Amendment 7 would require FCA-regulated investment managers and insurers to provide clients and those investing with them with voting information that they requested in a standard format and within 30 days. In Committee the amendment on this topic included pension funds in the requirement to report but, mindful of the DWP review of pension fund reporting, the current amendment is much narrower and does not prejudge the review. However, in the meantime it should help pension funds to monitor the way their investments are being voted. It is true that the FCA vote reporting group has yet to reach conclusions, but there is no reason to wait for that. Parliament has the power to put demands on the FCA, and this is a case where it should.

The Government accept the need for good stewardship by investors, and transparency on voting aids that. It is important, indeed crucial, for good corporate governance that decisions taken on behalf of investors should be clear and easily ascertainable. Making voting records available speedily in a machine-readable way would be a service to investors that, thanks to digital innovation, should be easy and relatively cheap to implement. Why would the Government resist that? I beg to move.

[Baroness Hayman (CB)]

My Lords, I declare my interest as chair of Peers for the Planet and apologise for the fact that I may need to speak a little longer than I normally would on Report. This is a very diverse group of amendments on different subjects, some of which are quite technical, but I can be brief in relation to Amendments 4, 7 and 114, which the noble Baroness, Lady Wheatcroft, has just so ably described. I appreciate that the Minister has done what she said she would on SDRs and tried to make some progress, but I fear there is still a legislative gap there—a gap that we could, on this Bill, usefully fill for her. I support what the noble Baroness has said and look forward to the debate on Amendment 91, on forest risk commodities, to which I equally give my support.

Tourist Spending: VAT

Baroness Wheatcroft Excerpts

Wednesday 24th May 2023 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Penn (Con)]

It is difficult to disaggregate the impact of this policy versus the overall take of VAT, which will be affected by a wide range of economic factors during this time. When we think about the tourism sector, we must remember that China represents a large number of visitors to the UK and China opened up only at the beginning of this year. Based on that, we hope to see a stronger recovery this summer, compared with previous summers.

[Baroness Wheatcroft (CB)]

My Lords, it is not the number of tourists that is important but the type of tourist. The higher-spending tourists are being deterred from coming to this country because of the lack of VAT-free shopping, as the figures quoted by the noble Baroness, Lady Doocey, made clear. Those tourists are heading to Spain and France and spending their money there. I declare an interest as chairman of the Association of Leading Visitor Attractions. Our members are losing out because these high-spending tourists are not coming to this country, doing their retail therapy and then taking in museums, galleries et cetera. Will the Minister undertake to take into account our cultural heritage when she looks at this issue?

[Baroness Penn (Con)]

I do absolutely appreciate the point that the noble Baroness is making. As part of the research that we did in considering this question, HMRC surveyed VAT RES users and the scheme did not make the top 10 in their list of reasons for visiting Britain—and that was for the 8% of visitors who qualified for the scheme who actually used it. We also asked them whether they would continue to purchase in the way they had previously. Two-thirds of those surveyed said that they would have purchased the same items regardless of the scheme, and 95% of people said that they would still shop. I appreciate that there is a wider impact, but we considered that when taking this decision.

Financial Services and Markets Bill

Baroness Wheatcroft Excerpts

Committee stage
Wednesday 1st March 2023 Grand Committee

All these amendments are modest and proportionate. With clarity on fiduciary duty, a functioning taxonomy, sustainable finance disclosures and transition plans, the UK has the opportunity to meet the ambitions set out at COP 26, and I hope the Minister will be able to respond positively.

[Baroness Wheatcroft (CB)]

My Lords, this group of amendments has already been spoken to by several eloquent speakers. I support the amendments in this group, but I shall speak particularly to Amendments 233 and 235 to 237, to which I put my name. The common thread in them is encouraging financial institutions to be serious about their intention of helping the country meet its net-zero target. If the Government are serious about that target, they will surely see the merit in these amendments.

Financial institutions may understand that the long-term health of countries, their economies and their businesses requires a focus on net zero, but short-term considerations such as this year’s profit all too often influence their decisions. Hence, in 2021, the 44 largest members of the Net-Zero Banking Alliance, a group that includes Barclays, HSBC, Lloyds, Nationwide and NatWest, provided $143.6 billion in lending and underwriting for the 75 companies doing the most to expand oil and gas. Principles sometimes come too expensive for these institutions to follow. If those organisations are to be discouraged from such behaviour, in their own long-term interests as well as ours, it will be by forcing them to make firm environmental commitments and to publicly report on them.

It seems that the Government have shared this view. According to a report in the Financial Times last May:

“Ministers made a last-minute decision to withdraw plans to force big UK companies and asset managers to disclose their environmental impact”.


They decided to drop that from the Queen’s Speech at the last moment. The sustainability disclosure requirements were apparently seen as being at odds with the Government’s deregulatory strategy. There is plenty of deregulation rhetoric around at the moment, but those of us who were in the Chamber yesterday for the agonising discussion of the Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill might feel that the strategy was far from evident.

These amendments are intended to provide help to the Government as they seek to implement their net-zero strategy. Amendment 233 would do for financial organisations what the Government have been planning for business generally. It would require the financial regulators—the FCA and the PRA—and Ministers to make regulations by the end of this year requiring sustainability disclosures for listed firms, fund managers, personal pension providers, banks, insurers and pension schemes.

In addressing this amendment, perhaps the Minister will confirm that this complies with the Government’s thinking in the wake of COP 26, when the transition plan task force was set to work to look at how large companies and financial firms should be required to report on how they are managing the transition to net zero. If the Minister accepts that, will she explain why this Bill should not contain this amendment?

Amendment 236 further details requirements. Amendment 237 complements Amendment 201. It refers to pension schemes and requires trustees to have regard to the long-term effects of their investment decisions. Pensions are all about the long term, so they should have regard to the long-term effects of their decisions, not the short-term effect on the bottom line for the fund manager who is interested in his bonus that year. A little legislation to help them on their way to doing the right thing seems a good idea.

The aim of Amendment 235 in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Hayman, is, essentially, to provide that help to institutions in making these crucial decisions. A green taxonomy—long discussed—needs measurable criteria and this amendment would require the Treasury to provide a framework for that. As the Minister said, the Government are—apparently—committed to implementing the green taxonomy. This amendment, like the others in the group, seeks only to encourage the Government to demonstrate their commitment with the sense of urgency that is now required.

[Baroness Meacher (CB)]

My Lords, I wish to speak extremely briefly to support my noble friend Lady Boycott—I am sorry, I did not see the noble Baroness, Lady Sheehan.

IMF Economic Outlook

Baroness Wheatcroft Excerpts

Tuesday 31st January 2023 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Penn (Con)]

I completely agree with my noble friend on the importance of the financial services Bill to unleashing further growth in our economy. It is also a really important example of how we will take the opportunity of the freedoms of Brexit to design regulation in a way that works best for the United Kingdom. Growth forecasts are inherently uncertain, but they still play a valuable role for government, economists, industry and others. Their uncertainty is a fact of life, but we should still look carefully at what they say.

[Baroness Wheatcroft (CB)]

My Lords, as of November this year, the EU will require additional travel documentation for those leaving the UK and heading into Europe. Do the Government have any estimates of the effect that will have on UK trade?

[Baroness Penn (Con)]

I do not, but I will write to the noble Baroness if there is something available on that matter.

Financial Services and Markets Bill

Baroness Wheatcroft Excerpts

Committee stage
Monday 30th January 2023 Grand Committee

[Baroness Sheehan (LD)]

My Lords, I rise to move Amendment 42 in my name, to which the noble Baronesses, Lady Hayman and Lady Wheatcroft, have added their names; I thank them for their support. I refer noble Lords to my interest as per the register as a director of Peers for the Planet.

Amendment 42 seeks to inject a much-needed dose of realism into this Bill. I quote my noble friend Lady Kramer’s summing up of the debate on it at Second Reading:

“This is an industry that knows how to promote itself and speaks with a great sense of invincibility.”—[Official Report, 10/1/23; col. 1394.]


Yet this is also the industry that comprehensively crashed the economy in 2007. Some individuals walked away with accumulated profits, leaving the taxpayer to pick up the costs, with the most vulnerable suffering the most—as ever—through the years of austerity that followed.

I am sure that there are those who say that the financial services sector is our biggest asset; that we must unleash its potential, not shackle it with undue openness and transparency; and that we should most definitely not saddle it with an overarching requirement to safeguard the future of the one and only planet we have. However, I profoundly disagree, which is why I think that a healthy dose of realism is needed—not wishful or short-termist thinking, but reflection on what is happening to our planetary ecosystems in the real world and whether our sons and daughters will curse us in future as the last generation that could have acted in time to save the planet but did not do so.

Money matters. Money drives our economy and all our futures. We need to be able to find out easily what is being done in our name with our money. Amendment 42 is a simple but necessary one. It would require the FCA to make rules requiring fund managers, personal pension providers and insurers to give information on request to clients. It would also require Ministers to make regulations requiring pension funds to give information on request to beneficiaries, on the exercise of all voting rights on their behalf, however those rights are held.

This amendment is necessary because, at present, investors cannot easily find out how fund managers managing their money have voted on their behalf. This cannot be right. Good disclosure principles dictate that investors should be able to find what they need easily, be able easily to understand what they find and be able to use what they find to make informed investment decisions. It also goes without saying that good disclosure principles are a precursor to good governance and essential to a stable financial sector.

Noble Lords will be aware that with ownership of listed companies comes the opportunity to exercise the right to vote at the company’s AGM, including on the appointment of the chair and other independent directors, to accept or reject the annual report and accounts, to appoint auditors, and to agree pay arrangements and any shareholder resolutions which have been tabled or to table resolutions if they meet the minimum threshold. Voting with or against the management and supporting or rejecting shareholder resolutions is an incredibly important tool in ensuring good corporate governance, good long-term investor returns and good economic outcomes more broadly.

Of course, it is also important for the journey to net zero. The Treasury acknowledges this in its report Greening Finance: A Roadmap to Sustainable Investing, which was published in September 2021. In that report, the Government set out their expectations that pension funds and investment managers should

“Actively monitor, encourage, and challenge companies by using their rights and direct/indirect influence to promote long-term, sustainable value generation”


and

“Be transparent about their own and their service providers’ engagement and voting, including by publishing easily accessible, high-quality quantitative and narrative reporting.”


This is what Amendment 42 would do. It is necessary because, regardless of the Government’s expectations, the reality is that the complicated architecture of investment with large numbers of intermediaries, such as investment managers, insurers, consultants and additional fund managers, means that despite efforts by the DWP and the FCA to give pension savers greater transparency about how votes connected with their investments have been cast, it is still practically impossible for savers and often difficult even for the pension funds to get the information.

It is true that the FCA has made rules under the shareholder rights directive, which—in another world many millions of years ago now, it seems—the UK Government championed to improve levels of corporate governance and oversight across the EU. However, in DWP’s implementation of the directive, the pension fund must publicly report on only those which it considers significant. Guidance issued by the pension funds trade body—the Pensions and Lifetime Savings Association—recommends that around 10 out of at least 1,000 votes in which a pension fund typically has a stake should be disclosed. A fundamental weakness is that the pension fund does not have a statutory right to information on unreported votes from the fund manager, and the pension saver does not have a statutory right to information on unreported votes from the pension fund. Obscurity rules, it seems. I guess that even this weak reporting requirement will be swept away by the Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill.

The difficulties with obtaining information on voting were covered at length by the DWP-commissioned task force on pension scheme voting implementation—I think it is called TPSVI—which reported in September 2021 and recommended that the DWP and the FCA should closely monitor delivery of vote reporting at fund level. It recommended that if investment managers do not deliver by the end of 2022 the FCA should legislate or issue handbook guidance to deliver fund-level reporting. Managers have not so far delivered.

In its letter to the DWP in October 2022, more than a year after the report, the FCA indicated that it was setting up a vote-reporting group with a view to having draft proposals by the middle of this year. However, the solution still seems entirely reliant on voluntary participation by investment management firms, which I understand are lobbying furiously against standardised disclosure. Some firms do not wish to provide reports on request because it will make them look bad and some do not want to invest in the technology to allow them to provide the data, but neither of these positions is acceptable today.

It was surprising to hear, in response to two Parliamentary Questions from the noble Baroness, Lady Ritchie of Downpatrick, that the Government do not appear to know anything at all about the voting records of UK-authorised fund managers and pension funds in relation to climate-related resolutions at AGMs. Yet the Government are reliant on the financial sector to take strong action on climate change through the exercise of voting rights.

For 16 years, the Government have had powers to require comprehensive vote reporting via the Companies Act 2006, but they have not yet used them. My amendment is intended to give the FCA, which regulates the voting behaviour of fund managers and insurers, the duty to make rules, rather than BEIS or the Treasury.

The US Securities and Exchange Commission regularly updates requirements for standardised disclosure of voting by fund managers, which must be presented in a consistent and machine-readable form, so action by our regulators in the UK is long overdue. Smart regulation is a vital aspect of retaining competitiveness, and this amendment is intended to be smart by giving the FCA the nudge to make rules and ensure that reporting is standardised, with similar provisions for pension funds, but it is not prescriptive on the details. If the FCA intends to make comprehensive reporting in standardised form mandatory, the Minister should welcome the amendment. I look forward to his response. I beg to move.

[Baroness Wheatcroft (CB)]

My Lords, it is a pleasure to follow the noble Baroness, Lady Sheehan, and I echo everything she said. I apologise to the Committee that I was unable to be at Second Reading.

I believe that this amendment is necessary if we are to have a properly active shareholder democracy in this country. At the moment, shares are not held by the majority of individuals directly; they are held through institutions, and shareholders tend to be passive. The individual shareholder does not know what is happening with his or her money. Yet when we look at how companies behave, all too often, one is reduced to saying, “How on earth could the owners allow that to go on?” Whether it is overpaying executive directors while the people at the bottom of the pile in the business are dependent on universal credit, paying the executives in the water companies huge bonuses while they pour sewage into our rivers or continuing to do business in Russia when the country is absolutely begging people to come out of Russia, too many companies behave badly, and they are not held to account.

It is very rare for institutional investors to vote against a remuneration report to the extent that a majority forces the company to think again. It is probably even rarer for institutional investors to vote against a proposed merger when it will be in the long-term interests of the executives, perhaps, but not of the workers in the UK.

We need individual investors to take a serious interest in what the business is doing. Not all of them will, but for those who are interested, it should be very easy for them to find out how their money—their shares—are being voted. It is a perfectly simple thing to do. Websites could easily be made accessible to show how the vote has been cast on every issue with every company at every annual meeting. Technology would find that quite straightforward. The majority of private individuals with investments in pension funds and insurance companies would not find it difficult to access that information, but it has to be made available.

It has to be an absolute requirement that all companies make all that information available, not just a fraction of it, and the sooner the regulators and the Government move towards that position, the better. The more information is out there, the more individuals will look at it and decide, for instance, that their company—the company in which they have a stake through their pension fund or insurance company—is not behaving as they would wish it to, and they can begin to put pressure on those who hold their shares. That might be because they are passionately involved in the employment issue or in remuneration, or because they want to see evidence that the company is taking its net-zero responsibilities seriously, and in many cases companies now have a vote on the net-zero target and how they are meeting it. Let us give the majority of people who hold shares through intermediaries the chance to see how those shares are being voted and to decide for themselves whether they approve of the way their shares are being used.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Harlech (Con)]

The review is necessary because it is important to take into account multiple government departments, including the Treasury, and non-governmental bodies such as the regulators. I believe it is scheduled for that time to facilitate the gathering of evidence and set out the scope of the review.

[Baroness Wheatcroft (CB)]

Rather than talking about a need for more investigation, could the Minister say what he thinks could possibly be wrong with telling organisations that they must put this information up? I cannot see the downside. Can he explain?

[Lord Harlech (Con)]

If I could go on, perhaps my further remarks will address the noble Baroness’s question; if not, I will endeavour to write to her, if that is all right.

In November 2022, the FCA convened an independently chaired vote reporting group following the recommendations made by the Taskforce on Pension Scheme Voting Implementation. The aim of this is to develop a more comprehensive and standardised vote disclosure framework for asset managers, ensuring a fair, proportionate and practicable approach. The group’s draft proposals are expected to be published in April 2023 for public consultation. Moreover, local government pension scheme funds are already required to publish an investment strategy statement, including their policy on voting rights and ESG matters, with guidance on annual reports also encouraging transparency on how voting rights are exercised.

The FCA’s Conduct of Business Sourcebook—COBS—Shareholder Rights Directive rules already require all investment firms to develop and disclose an engagement and voting policy. This includes how the engagement is integrated into the investment strategy; how environmental, social and governance issues are monitored; and how conflicts of interests are managed. This policy must be reported on annually online.

The Government believe that it would be premature and unnecessary to amend voting disclosure legislation at the current time, given the initiatives that are already under way. I therefore ask the noble Baroness, Lady Sheehan, to withdraw her amendment.

Budget Statement

Baroness Wheatcroft Excerpts

Tuesday 14th March 2017 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Wheatcroft (Con)]

My Lords, I applaud the judgment of my right honourable friend the Chancellor in making this the last spring Budget. In my time as a City editor, the Budget was one of the worst elements in the calendar. It was a challenge to look through all the small print that came from HMRC and the Treasury to find what was missing from the Chancellor’s speech. This being a competitive business, it was not a good thing to miss the story. Having two Budgets a year compounded the agony, so one is definitely a relief in the right direction.

I also commend the Chancellor for not burying the bad news. The national insurance increase was right up-front and I support it. I cannot see why it is being greeted as quite such an appalling blow to the entrepreneurial spirit of this country when, as my noble friend Lord Willetts pointed out, it is a perfectly rational move to begin to align these two national insurance contributions, as benefits are being aligned. That makes sense. The Institute for Fiscal Studies greeted it as “modest but welcome”.

My noble friend Lord Macpherson of Earl’s Court suggested that there may be no-go areas when it comes to tax. I do not think that we should accept that. I see no reason why national insurance any more than other taxes—of course, it is a tax by any other name—should be beyond the Chancellor’s writ. As the Chancellor pointed out, he does not have wads of cash to shell out. With our net debt standing at an astronomical £1.7 trillion—a whopping £62,000 for every household —we are having to keep on borrowing on a prodigious scale.

We have already heard many dissections of the state of our national finances but I would like to concentrate on just two issues. I will not drone on about Brexit. My views are clear and others have made it perfectly clear that they too have grave fears for the economy, but let us hope that the Government are right.

I would like to talk about productivity, which has been mentioned by other speakers. As the Chancellor said, it remains stubbornly low, and there is certainly no denying that. We are 35% behind Germany and 18% behind the average of the G7, and GDP per capita is barely 2% higher than it was before the crash. That means that the economy has grown by little more than 2% over nine years, which is just about what you might hope it would do in a single year. Of course, the ramifications of that poor performance are painful. According to government forecasts, average earnings in 2022 will be no higher than they were in 2007—15 years without a pay rise, which is painful. As my noble friend Lord Willetts pointed out, for many people it has been much worse than that average figure. No wonder some people are feeling deeply disillusioned and perhaps showing their disillusionment at the ballot box.

The productivity gap has been much discussed but nothing seems to make any difference. Only last year, the then Business Secretary, Sajid Javid, outlined his suggestion for making things better. There were 15 key areas and two pillars. What it amounted to was infrastructure and training and all the things we have talked about over the years. Of course, I am delighted to see the emphasis on technical education in this Spring Budget. However, there may be another problem. Certainly, the Productivity Leadership Group, chaired by Charlie Mayfield, came to the view that one of the biggest problems with productivity in this country was bad management. The Chartered Management Institute did its own survey and found that 43% of managers rated their own line managers as “ineffective”.

Therefore, I ask the Minister whether the Government have any plans to help business improve its not entirely impressive record on management as a means of improving productivity growth. It is certainly worth fighting for that growth. As we know, households are suffering and could do with more national income. The OBR records that average household debt has reduced from the peak of 160% of income down to about 140% but is now on the rise again. The OBR even suggests that in the final quarter of last year people were dipping into their savings to go shopping—and this at a time when it is absolutely essential that the country saves more. We need the money to pay for our old age and social care, not for an increased spend on consumer goods now. Can the Minister say what she thinks would help improve the savings ratio? I suggest that a national savings bond with an interest rate of 2.2%, when inflation is heading towards 2.4% this year, might not be the answer.