(10 years, 4 months ago)
Lords ChamberWe will continue to make that point throughout the investigation. It is in Sri Lanka’s interests to co-operate fully. The reason we find ourselves in this position is that the internal investigations did not do what they said they would do. This is an opportunity for Sri Lanka to truly meet its commitment to reconciliation.
My Lords, in justifying the Government’s attendance at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting last November in Colombo, the noble Baroness said:
“We will deliver an incredibly tough message to the Sri Lankan Government that they need to make concrete progress on human rights, reconciliation and political settlement”.—[Official Report, 22/10/13; col. 888.]
In view of the lack of progress that has just been noted on all sides of the House, does the noble Baroness think that, with hindsight, an even tougher message might have been delivered if the Government had not turned up at that Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, and there might have been more progress?
(11 years, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberI have been looking at the programme of the Prime Minister and of the other Ministers who will be attending. It would be inappropriate at this stage for me to detail that programme and where they will visit; probably it would be in breach of some security provision. However, from what I have seen, I am confident that this will be an opportunity for us to deal with these issues incredibly robustly, to travel, see, engage and shine a spotlight. The Sri Lankan Government should be aware that it will not be just us; the world’s media will be there and questions will be asked.
My Lords, if the Sri Lankan Government persist in ignoring the incredibly tough messages that the Minister says the Government are going to send them about the human rights record in Sri Lanka—as they have ignored all such representations, from the United Nations and from respected human rights organisations, for the past year or more—at what point will the Government decide that constructive engagement with this regime is not the only way forward?
My Lords, all I can say is that at this moment in time the Government believe that constructive engagement is the right way forward.
(11 years, 8 months ago)
Lords ChamberThe most reverend Primate raises an important wider issue: the freedom of religion within China and the recognition of religious groups and therefore of religious leaders. It is a matter that we raise in generic terms, although I cannot categorically say whether the specific issue of recognising the Dalai Lama as a spiritual leader has been raised.
What representations have the Government made about the fate of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, the young boy identified in 1995 by the Dalai Lama as the new Panchen Lama, the second highest office in Tibetan Buddhism? The Minister will recall that shortly after that identification, that young boy was taken into what the Chinese Government called “protective custody” and has never been seen since. What assurances have the Government sought about his fate and well-being, and if they have not made any representations, will they do so?
Representations were made about the young boy. Indeed, I think his name appeared on a specific list that was handed over during one of the UK-China human rights dialogues. We have also put forward the idea of him being allowed access to an independent organisation that could assess his current health and whereabouts.
(11 years, 10 months ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, I thank my noble friend Lord Naseby for securing this debate. I know that he and others within both Houses of Parliament have taken a close interest in Sri Lanka. The timing is most apt, a year after the publication of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission, or LLRC, report, that has been referred to today.
Let me first note that the United Kingdom and Sri Lanka have a long-standing historical connection, and present-day ties include business, family, tourism and education. I assure my noble friend Lord Dholakia that large numbers of bright, talented Sri Lankan students continue to come to study in the United Kingdom and the diaspora community of around 400,000 people contributes significantly to our economy and rich cultural diversity. We are friends and it is a friendship that we value, even on the cricket pitch, despite being knocked out in the World Twenty20 in October by the host, Sri Lanka.
The 2009 defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, or LTTE, brought an end to decades of conflict in the country, but a military victory alone cannot deliver the stable, lasting peace which all Sri Lankans deserve. It is for this reason that the UK supports the view, widely held within Sri Lanka and outside, that long-term peace can best be achieved through an inclusive political settlement that addresses the underlying causes of the conflict. Such a settlement must also take into account the legitimate grievances and aspirations of all Sri Lanka’s communities. The Government of Sri Lanka recognised this in appointing the LLRC, which submitted its report in December 2011. The report made more than 200 recommendations.
In January 2012, following the publication of the LLRC report, my right honourable friend Alistair Burt issued a Written Ministerial Statement in which he welcomed publication of the report and urged the implementation of its recommendations. The recommendations, if implemented in full, would go a long way to achieving the reconciliation which we believe will achieve lasting peace. Those recommendations included calls for credible investigations of alleged extrajudicial killings and disappearances, demilitarisation of the north, implementation of impartial land dispute resolution mechanisms and the protection of freedom of expression. However, as Alistair Burt said at the time, and to which the noble Lord, Lord Wills, referred, in the view of this Government the report left gaps and unanswered questions on alleged violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law, and we were disappointed by the report’s conclusions and recommendations on accountability.
Sri Lanka has made some progress against the LLRC recommendations. The UK recognises and welcomes the progress that has been made in a number of areas. UK officials have visited all nine provinces in the past 12 months and have seen much to welcome. Most importantly, the absence of conflict has brought greater security and opened up economic development. Demining, which has been referred to in today’s debate, including with UK financial support, is freeing up more and more land for resettlement and agriculture. Rehabilitation of thousands of ex-combatants, including child soldiers, has allowed many individuals to integrate back into society. The majority of internally displaced persons have now moved out of camps, although there is still work to be done in ensuring that all have permanent homes and are, where possible, able to return to their places of origin.
Despite a visible military presence, troop numbers in many areas are now well below 2009 levels. Infrastructure development is opening up the country, creating conditions for economic growth and enabling easier travel. All these are positive developments. However, the picture is not all positive. Much remains to be done in order to tackle the roots of conflict and ensure lasting peace and prosperity. The need for progress was highlighted in a March 2012 Human Rights Council resolution, supported by a majority of member states from around the world. It called on the Government of Sri Lanka to implement the LLRC report recommendations and to address alleged violations of international law. In July 2012, the Sri Lankan Government published an LLRC action plan, with deadlines from early this year for the implementation of the LLRC recommendations. However, it is notable that the action plan covers around only half the LLRC recommendations. We hope that the Government of Sri Lanka will reconsider and look at implementing the LLRC report in full.
This is not a case of unrealistic expectations. The UK has never suggested or expected that resolution following a long-running conflict can be instantaneous. We realise that the LLRC recommendations cannot all be implemented immediately. We have our own experience of reconciliation from Northern Ireland, and we know well that such a process is complex and can take time. I thank my noble friend Lord Bates for outlining possible and potential pathways. He is right: this process will take time. I will take back his suggestions regarding building on the Olympic legacy and, indeed, the Olympic Truce. He is also right that we must look to a future for all, but in the case of Sri Lanka true reconciliation is unlikely to be possible without a brave, open and comprehensive review of the painful past, and addressing the deep-seated issues in the LLRC report requires a long-term approach, tenacity and co-operation.
There are, of course, inevitable barriers to swift progress in some areas—for example, the need to broker agreements between various parties, undertake changes to legislation and devise equitable solutions to complicated issues such as land rights. However, to make this long-term progress requires a sense of urgency and it has to be on a positive trajectory.
I regret that a number of the recommendations have not been tackled at all or have been tackled in name only. The military presence in many areas is less invasive than at the end of the conflict but armed forces continue to occupy large areas of civilian land, now classified as high-security zones or military cantonments. Military involvement in civil and commercial activities has been reduced in some areas but still remains widespread and a source of tension. Not only has there been no agreement on political settlement but a recent Bill seeks to further centralise currently devolved powers. Moreover, almost four years since the end of the conflict, there have been no prosecutions for alleged misconduct during the conflict.
The Government of Sri Lanka face considerable challenges but they face them with the support of an international community eager to see lasting peace in the country. With this support comes scrutiny, and in 2013 this is set to be particularly intense. In March we have the anniversary of the Human Rights Council resolution, and the noble Lord, Lord Wills, spoke about the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, which Sri Lanka is due to host in November. The CHOGM is an opportunity either for Sri Lanka’s progress to be showcased around the world or for bad news to be amplified. The UK believes that the host of CHOGM should uphold the Commonwealth values of good governance and respect for human rights. We will look to Sri Lanka to demonstrate its commitment to these values both now and in the run-up to CHOGM. A key part of this will be addressing long-standing issues around accountability and reconciliation after the war. The noble Lord, Lord Wills, will be aware that Sri Lanka was scheduled to host CHOGM in 2011 but, given ongoing concerns about the humanitarian and human rights situation, the UK and other Commonwealth members did not support its bid. Commonwealth members decided that Sri Lanka would host it in 2013, but at this stage it is too soon to talk about the UK’s attendance plans. I cannot give further details today, but we will be looking to Sri Lanka to demonstrate the Commonwealth values expected of any CHOGM host.
The noble Lord, Lord Triesman, raised current, ongoing concerns about the human rights situation. International concerns about human rights violations in Sri Lanka are not limited to the years of the war but remain since the end of the war as well. The UK has been candid in private and public about our concerns. In the 1 November UN Universal Periodic Review of Sri Lanka, the UK raised concerns about the attacks on and intimidation of journalists, human rights defenders and the legal professions. We recommended that the Sri Lankan Government investigate alleged grave breaches of humanitarian law during the conflict. This recommendation was accepted, along with 110 of the 210 recommendations made in that review. We also recommended that the Sri Lankan Government ensure a climate in which all citizens can express their opinions freely. This recommendation was rejected, along with recommendations to invite the UN special rapporteurs to visit and recommendations to ensure independence of the judiciary. We continue to have concerns about human rights in Sri Lanka, including disappearances—to which the noble Lord referred—political violence, reports of torture in custody and restrictions on free speech. We raised our concerns directly with the Government of Sri Lanka and called upon them to investigate reports of human rights abuses whenever they occur.
The noble Lord, Lord Triesman, also raised the issue of missing persons. A legacy of decades of conflict is that large numbers of missing people remain an understandable cause of considerable distress for many families. The LLRC report is committed to establishing a decentralised database of the missing by February of this year and we look forward to progress in this regard.
Events as recently as the last eight to 10 weeks are a source of concern for us as well as for other states and international organisations. These include impeachment proceedings against the Chief Justice, which coincidentally followed a number of rulings against the Government; violent disruption of student remembrance events in Jaffna and the detention of students; and the violent suppression of a riot at Welikada prison in which 27 inmates lost their lives. On 5 December, our high commissioner joined other EU heads of mission in a public statement expressing concerns about the rule of law and individual freedoms in Sri Lanka.
Following the end of the conflict, we want to see Sri Lanka win a peace that can be enjoyed by all its citizens. Progress has been made but is lacking in a number of areas necessary to ensure long-term peace and stability. We remain committed to helping the reconciliation process, recognising the Sri Lankan Government’s legitimate authority and looking to the Government to implement the LLRC recommendations in full.
My Lords, I am very grateful to the Minister for giving way but I intervene as I suspect that she is about to conclude her remarks. I asked a number of specific questions. I quite understand that she cannot answer them today but will she confirm that she will write to me with specific answers to those specific questions?
I will certainly do that. UK support includes funding activities on rehabilitation, access to language rights, community policing support and positive dialogue within and between communities in Sri Lanka and, indeed, engaging the UK diaspora. We recognise the need for a long-term approach but firmly believe that this must include some early evidence of progress. It is right that Sri Lanka’s friends should raise such concerns alongside more immediate human rights issues. As Alistair Burt said in his Written Ministerial Statement last January:
“Our long-term interest is in a stable, peaceful Sri Lanka, free from the scourge of terrorism, and as a fellow member of the Commonwealth, conforming to the standards and values which Commonwealth membership requires”.—[Official Report, Commons, 12/1/12; col. 21WS.]
That position remains unchanged.
I close by thanking the noble Lord, Lord Naseby, for his continued interest in Sri Lanka and for securing this debate today.
(13 years ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I thank my noble friend Lord Elton for tabling this debate, which has proved to be wide-ranging. I also thank the other noble Lords who have made contributions today, raising important points, challenges and even kind plaudits. This is a timely debate because we are at an important milestone in our journey towards transparency and open data. I will briefly remind noble Lords of the background to this agenda and then give a quick round-up of progress to date. I will then deal with some of the specific points raised in the debate and cast a forward look towards the Government’s ambitions for transparency, which will be set out in a White Paper to be published in the spring.
In opposition we developed plans for a more open way of doing government. We envisaged a time when people knew that they could easily and quickly find out: which parts of government and which initiatives cost what, whether on a regional or national basis; who in government, whether a civil servant or a special adviser, did what and what they were being paid; which government contracts were coming up, and so on. We had a vision that people could choose public service provision using the same customer feedback techniques that so many of us are now used to when, for example, researching hotel options or flights on TripAdvisor, or shopping on Amazon.
The noble Lord, Lord Elton, gave the example of the Society for Cardiothoracic Surgery, which reported that mortality in coronary surgery had fallen by a fifth over five years. The professional body attributed this result to the public reporting of outcomes. We are not just talking about cost accountability; we are talking about data that save lives through the spread and adoption of best practice. As I said, it is a journey. Open data are the means and open government is the end.
Since the election we have ensured that we progress on this journey at great speed. In May of last year, just two weeks into the coalition Government, the Prime Minister sent a letter to all Secretaries of State, setting out the Government’s specific commitments on transparency. Much of the data that we released initially were about Whitehall, Westminster, people and money. However, important though this is, the example of cardio surgery shows vividly that there is more to open data and transparency than accountability. Following the success of the previous year’s data releases, on 7 July 2011 the Prime Minister publicly set out a second series of further open data commitments, targeting key public services, including health, education, criminal justice, transport and more detailed government financial information.
Today we have an astonishing amount of data on data.gov.uk, with over 7,500 data sets, more than any other comparable transparency service in the world. Much of this is big, complex and not necessarily accessible to the public. In many cases it is used by the professionals, whether that is the surgeons I described earlier or local authority commissioners, NHS managers, school authorities or welfare services.
We are also seeing data being repackaged and released for citizens to use. For example, FixMyStreet helps users to find the right telephone number or form to report local problems, ranging from dog fouling to broken street lights to pot holes. Since its launch, FixMyStreet has received more than 90,000 citizen reports. The website police.uk allows users to use offences reported in their locality by entering a street name or a postcode. It includes a range of offences such as theft, shoplifting and criminal damage and has received more than 430 million hits since its launch. By May of next year this website will show what has happened after a crime has been reported to the police and you will be able to track that crime’s progress through the courts.
We can also use public data to build economic value, stimulating innovation and enterprise in the UK’s knowledge economy. A growing market place has already sprung up in the health sector as a result of open data and transparency. Companies such as Dr Foster and CHKS are at the front of this growing industry with an estimated total value of around £50 million per annum. Estimates of the total potential growth contribution of open data-based markets vary from about £16 billion per annum to about £90 billion per annum.
The Chancellor’s and Business Secretary’s growth review on 29 November will contain a series of commitments to liberate new data to support enterprise and growth in sectors as diverse as life sciences and digital technologies. In addition, a public data corporation will bring together data from government bodies such as HM Land Registry, the Met Office and Ordnance Survey into one organisation, providing easily accessible public information as well as driving further efficiency in the delivery of public services.
I will now respond to some of the specific issues raised by noble Lords in this debate. The noble Lord, Lord Elton, raised the issue of the recommendations of the O’Hara report and the outcome of the open data and public data corporation consultations. These issues are being seriously considered and are broadly welcomed by the Government. We are positive about the specific recommendations and we will respond in a White Paper, which is due to be published in spring.
In relation to international aid, the Government believe that greater aid transparency is essential to efforts to improve results from development to co- operation worldwide. The Secretary of State will be seeking agreement by donors to implement the aid information standard developed under the UK-led International Aid Transparency Initiative.
A question was raised in relation to EU-level action to improve transparency in the extractive sector to match the standards being set in the UK. The Government are supportive of that.
My noble friend Lady Benjamin raised an extremely valid point. It is amazing to see how shining a light on the decisions that people make can have a positive impact on behaviour, including behaviour around the employment and engagement of people from diverse backgrounds. I will write to her in relation to the specific amendment that she proposes.
The noble Lord, Lord Hennessy, raised yet more benefits of a drive towards transparency and data release. I will ensure that his comments are seriously considered.
I welcome the comments of my noble friend Lord Gold and congratulate him on a both humorous and thought-provoking maiden speech. His work for the Conservative Party is hugely appreciated; he brings much wisdom, calmness and sound judgment to his role as chairman of the Conservative Party disciplinary committee.
I am sure that my noble friend listened carefully to the substance and style of this morning’s contribution from the noble Lord, Lord Prescott. I am disappointed that the noble Lord feels that disclosure has been somewhat political; the public have a right to know and the Government are committed to openness. He raised a specific question about the level of £500, which was established as a minimum requirement for departments to release information. DCLG, in line with its past releases, chose to release information on transactions lower than £500. The point that the noble Lord made about the casino dinner was released in response to a Parliamentary Question to DCLG, which was answered factually. Sir Gus O’Donnell has received a letter from the noble Lord, and DCLG will respond directly to him in the next couple of days.
I am glad that the noble Lord, Lord Wills, is encouraged by the Government’s consultation on extending the Freedom of Information Act. The Government have introduced provisions in the Protection of Freedoms Bill to extend the Freedom of Information Act to companies wholly owned by multiple public authorities, whereas currently the Act applies only to companies wholly owned by a single public authority. This will bring more than 100 more bodies within the scope of the Act. We are not stopping there. We are currently consulting on the possible inclusion of more than 200 bodies within the scope of the Freedom of Information Act, on the basis that they provide functions of a public nature—these include harbour authorities, exam boards, the Local Government Group and the NHS Confederation, to name but a few.
Before the Minister leaves that point, can she answer the question asked by my noble friend Lord Hunt about when the Government will take action on the consultation that she has just mentioned?
The Government’s recent open data consultation consulted on an extension to the types of organisations to which the open data policy could apply. The Freedom of Information Act will also be subject to post-legislative scrutiny to see how it is working in practice. Further policy in this area will be developed. At this stage I do not have a specific timeframe, but I can write to the noble Lord once I have further information.
My noble friend Lady Byford asked some important questions about how what we are trying to achieve appears to be hindered by how we achieve it. The Government are committed to achieving the very benefits that she highlights and will give serious consideration to the challenges she raised, which could stand in the way of those benefits. She also raised an important point in relation to privacy, and I can assure the noble Baroness that we will not extend transparency at the expense of privacy. Personal data will be handled in accordance with the provisions of the Data Protection Act.
The noble Lord, Lord Hunt of Kings Heath, raised some important points about politicians. All politicians, all of us who are in the public sphere, must be committed to the very basis and essence of this agenda; otherwise, we will be accused of hypocrisy, not just by each other across these Benches but by the public. I can assure him that all those in this Government are committed to that very basis of transparency and openness. Our goal is for participation and engagement—