(7 years, 3 months ago)
Grand CommitteeMay I thank everybody who has spoken so effectively in this debate? So many powerful points were made and we have managed to avoid duplication, amazingly. It just shows how many points one needs to make in relation to this—
(7 years, 7 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, we now come to a group of government amendments relating to improvements to the operation of Chapter 2 of Part 1 of the Bill. I hope the House will agree that these are technical and uncontroversial.
Clause 9 permits extensions to the moratorium period for suspicious activity reports, and Clause 11 allows the National Crime Agency to apply for a further information order. These powers will be available in all the UK jurisdictions. However, we have consulted the Scottish Government, who have confirmed that the wording in the Bill does not accurately reflect the common-law position in Scotland, which recognises the role of the Procurator Fiscal in directing criminal investigations. Amendments 9, 11 and 12 reflect that principle in Scotland so that the moratorium extension and further information orders should be applied for only by the Procurator Fiscal.
Clause 10 permits, on a voluntary basis, the sharing of information between regulated-sector entities for the purpose of tackling money laundering. This currently allows those entities up to 28 days to share information following an initial notification and to provide a report to the NCA. Following further discussions with the regulated sector, we have concluded that more time is needed to ensure more effective sharing in complex cases, where numerous banks, for example, may hold relevant information. Amendment 10 increases this time limit to 84 days, which will still maintain a proportionate limit on how long these companies have to share information.
Finally, Amendment 49 amends POCA to ensure that extensions to the moratorium period and further information orders that are issued in one jurisdiction in the UK, such as Scotland or Northern Ireland, will be recognised in the others. I beg to move.
My Lords, I am glad that the Government have taken account of the special situation in Scotland.
(7 years, 8 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I support Amendment 162, proposed by the noble Baroness, Lady Hamwee. It would strengthen Clause 44, which is in a part of the Bill concerned with corporate offences of failure to prevent tax evasion. Failure to pay the right levels of tax due as an individual or as a corporate body hurts everyone. Having robust procedures in place to combat these offences is important. Some corporate entities will employ lawyers and accountants to minimise their tax liability, but where that steps over the line into tax evasion we have to be prepared to take swift action.
The clause so far will place a requirement on the Chancellor of the Exchequer to publish and prepare guidance, using the word “must”, which is not something we often see in government Bills—I have always thought parliamentary draftspersons preferred “shall”—but since it uses the word “must”, noble Lords can draw from that that great importance is implied about this guidance on the procedures. The idea is to help relevant bodies. The Bill then moves on and says,
“can put in place to”,
which negates the emphasis in the earlier part of the clause.
The amendment from the noble Baroness would place the right emphasis, saying that relevant bodies “shall have regard to” this important advice prepared by the Treasury and published by the Chancellor. The Government clearly thought it was important that companies should be aware of this advice. I hope they will tell us why they think their wording is sufficient and that that of the noble Baroness is not necessary in this case.
My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Hamwee, for tabling this amendment, which allows us to discuss the Government’s guidance on the new corporate offences in Part 3 of the Bill. Part 3 creates two new offences for relevant bodies that fail to prevent the criminal facilitation of tax evasion. It also provides a defence for a body to show that it has put in place reasonable prevention procedures designed to prevent such criminal facilitation.
The Government produced guidance on the offences, and the related defence, in 2015 and conducted a full public consultation on it. Much of the guidance focuses on the operation of the defence and helps to inform businesses’ understanding of how to determine what prevention procedures are reasonable in their circumstances. The guidance has been discussed extensively with a wide range of businesses and organisations both within the UK and overseas. Following the consultation, the updated guidance was published last year.
In addition to the government guidance, officials have been working with a number of representative bodies to support them in producing their own sector-specific guidance, which can be endorsed by the Chancellor if it is clearly in keeping with the overarching government guidance. The Chancellor’s endorsement of external guidance will provide a hallmark of quality for individual businesses to identify good practice for their sector.
The government guidance makes it clear that it is just that: guidance. It does not set out a tick-box exercise of mandatory requirements for businesses but rather six principles to help each business decide what prevention procedures, if any, are reasonable for them in their individual circumstances.
The government guidance makes it clear that, for each business, there may be a number of appropriate approaches for them to take and that departure from suggested procedures will not mean that an organisation does not have reasonable prevention procedures. Likewise, different organisations may implement the same or similar procedures differently due to their individual circumstances. For example, what is reasonable for a large, multinational financial institution will be different from what is reasonable for a small, domestic retail business.
Conversely, while departing from the guidance will not mean that a relevant body does not have reasonable prevention procedures, nor does complying with the guidance necessarily guarantee that prevention procedures are reasonable. The guidance is not intended to be a safe harbour.
The new offences also provide a defence for a business where it was reasonable for it to have no procedures in place. A business can therefore avail itself of the defence without having followed the Government’s guidance if it was reasonable for it to have no procedures in place; for example, because the risks it faced were so remote that it would be unduly burdensome for it to put in place prevention procedures.
I hope that noble Lords will therefore agree that it is not necessary, and may impose undue burden, to force businesses to have regard to the government guidance. Those businesses which need to put in place prevention procedures and which seek to be compliant will likely already have regard to the government guidance. This has been demonstrated by the excellent engagement from many sectors on the development of the guidance. Accordingly, I invite the noble Baroness to withdraw her amendment.
My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Kennedy, understood my thinking exactly, although I wonder whether it would be helpful to this House to use a procedure which is often used in the Commons to explain that one is probing to try to understand whatever is proposed and the thrust of a particular amendment—I was probing, as I had indicated to the Bill team.
I had not expected that answer, but I now understand the range of things which can happen under this clause. One is accustomed to phrases such as “for different purposes and for different persons”, which is what I think we are being asked to read into this provision. I note that the Minister said that guidance,
“can be endorsed by the Chancellor”—
I was not sure what route that was taking me down. I am grateful to noble Lords for indulging me. I, for one, now understand better what is proposed. I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
My Lords, as my noble friend Lord Dunlop set out to your Lordships’ House last week when repeating a Statement from my right honourable friend the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, the current political situation in Northern Ireland is highly unusual. The Government are, none the less, committed to the central principles of the Sewel convention. Noble Lords will recall that the Government have made a commitment to not commence provisions relating to matters devolved in Northern Ireland without the appropriate consents having been obtained. Although it should already be possible to commence provisions at different times in different parts of the UK, Amendment 183 puts this beyond doubt, helping to ensure that we can fulfil this commitment. I beg to move.
I am happy with the amendment. It is, unfortunately, necessary in this situation. I hope the parties can get round the table and get the Administration back and up and running again.
I thank the noble Baroness for her comments and, of course, I will write with further clarification.
(7 years, 8 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, we now come to two proposed changes that the Government are seeking to make to the seizure and forfeiture powers set out in Chapter 3 of Part 1 of the Bill. In the House of Commons we introduced amendments to allow law enforcement agencies to seize casino chips and gaming vouchers where they had the suspicion that they were either the proceeds of crime or would be used to commit further offences. The Government were also asked to consider whether similar provisions could be introduced to allow the seizure of betting slips. Government Amendments 80, 82, 83 and 138 to 140 make such provision. If law enforcement agencies suspect that the funds used to place a bet are the proceeds of crime, they will be able to seize the betting slip. These provisions will be subject to the same safeguards as for cash seizure and we will be working with bookmakers and their trade associations to ensure that they are used effectively.
At present, Clause 14 allows for the seizure and forfeiture of moveable stores of value but makes no allowance for deductions for legal expenses on the part of the person the item was seized from. Government Amendments 88, 90 to 101 and 142 to 155 will therefore allow for a deduction to meet legal expenses from recovered sums following the forfeiture of the item. Where appropriate, the court will determine whether legal expenses should be paid and will provide for that as part of the forfeiture order. These amendments make similar provisions in Schedule 3 in relation to items seized where there is a suspicion of terrorist financing. I beg to move.
I am happy to support these amendments, which are both sensible and proportionate. Ensuring that betting slips can be seized is a sensible move, as indeed is the whole series of amendments.
(7 years, 8 months ago)
Lords ChamberThe noble Baroness’s amendment is obviously a probing amendment, and I hope that we will get a response from the Government Front Bench that clarifies the situation.
My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Hamwee, for her scrutiny of these provisions. Her Amendment 107 seeks to require the Secretary of State to define the seniority of SFO staff so that not all have access to POCA powers. I appreciate her concern at the extension of the powers conferred by POCA but I hope I can reassure her by explaining our reasons for extending powers to SFO officers.
As the noble Baroness is undoubtedly aware, the SFO is responsible for investigating some of the most serious cases of fraud, bribery and corruption. To effectively combat complex crime, it is vital that SFO officers have access to the most effective legislative tools. Currently, only SFO officers who have accredited financial investigator status have access to POCA powers. This is at variance with other agencies such as the police, the NCA, HMRC and Immigration Enforcement, whose officers have direct access to these powers whether or not they are financial investigators.
It is logical and appropriate that these powers are made available to all SFO officers, both to ensure consistency of approach across agencies and to ensure that non-accredited SFO officers have access to POCA powers when investigating complex crimes, which may include investigating the proceeds of crime.
I hope I can further reassure the noble Baroness that all agencies adopt a process whereby applications made under POCA are considered and approved by an appropriate management chain before they are submitted to court. This ensures that all officers, of whatever grade or rank—even the janitor—are required to consider the necessity and proportionality of any application they make.
I am grateful to the noble Baroness for allowing me to explain the rationale for this position—particularly the need to make powers available to a wide range of officers involved in the investigation of complex, acquisitive crime. I trust that she will feel inclined not to press this amendment and, accordingly, I invite her to withdraw it.
My Lords, this set of amendments makes a number of minor changes to the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002 so that the powers in the Bill work as they were intended. As noble Lords will be aware, POCA is a complex piece of legislation and inevitably, as we have consulted further with key partners and parliamentary counsel, additional issues have arisen that require attention. Given their technical nature, I will not detain your Lordships for long, but I will highlight a few key points about these amendments.
They are primarily about ensuring consistency across the Bill. First, we are ensuring that penalties and fines mirror those already in POCA and elsewhere in statute. We will also provide that cash already being detained under terrorist forfeiture powers is not also liable for confiscation; this avoids double counting. These amendments will also extend existing powers for the courts in Scotland and Northern Ireland to order the payment of a criminal’s cash to settle an outstanding confiscation order. The Bill already provides for this in the English magistrates’ courts. We will provide that confiscation orders that have been discharged can be revisited if the criminal is found to have further assets. Finally, we are amending the Civil Jurisdiction and Judgments Act 1982 to allow for civil orders issued in one part of the UK to be recognised and enforced in another. I beg to move.
My Lords, today’s final group of amendments also concerns Part 2 of the Bill on the financing of terrorist-related activity.
Government Amendment 158 will extend the existing assault and obstruction offences in respect of counterterrorism financial investigators—CTFIs—to include assault or obstructing CTFIs who are exercising powers in relation to the disclosure order power introduced in Clause 33. This power is comparable to ones in Schedule 5 to the Terrorism Act 2000.
Amendment 160 would insert provision into the Terrorism Act so that court orders made in one part of the UK for the purposes of or in connection with the investigation of terrorist financing can be enforced in another. This power is comparable to powers in Schedule 5 to the Terrorism Act 2000.
Amendment 160 inserts provisions into the Terrorism Act so that court orders made in one part of the UK for the purposes of, or in connection with, the investigation of terrorist financing can be enforced in another. This power is being provided to ensure that the new powers in this Bill—for example, disclosure orders and further information orders—can be enforced more effectively. We are also taking the opportunity to ensure that existing provisions in the Terrorism Act—for example, production orders—can be enforced in the same way. The power to enforce orders across UK borders is already available for equivalent orders made under the Proceeds of Crime Act. I beg to move.
(7 years, 9 months ago)
Lords ChamberI compliment the noble Baroness on raising the issue of people’s attitudes. I declare an interest: as a local councillor in Preston in the early 1970s, I was part of a group trying to establish refuge provision. I was invited to speak to senior members of Chorley Council. The then leader of that council finished the meeting by saying that he was absolutely appalled that men in Preston behaved like that—of course, they did not in Chorley. Another councillor came to speak to me and said that her son-in-law was a barrister and her daughter had complained of being a victim. The daughter’s father would not believe that a barrister could behave like that. Today’s debate demonstrates the wide range of backgrounds and areas that people come from.
My Lords, I remind the House that if there are to be interruptions they should be kept very brief.
My Lords, I am grateful for that intervention. I was about to say that one often hears, “It does not happen here”. The lack of understanding that what is happening is a crime is, sadly, shared among those who experience that crime.
I am a member of the Joint Committee on Human Rights, which in 2015 undertook an inquiry to examine progress towards ratification. The noble Baroness referred to that. Its report told your Lordships that,
“the Convention would have a strong indirect effect on the UK legal system”,
firstly in that it,
“could be cited by the UK courts as persuasive authority”,
and secondly through the role of the European Court of Human Rights, given that the Government are bound by its judgment and, therefore,
“the terms of the Convention could have a strong indirect effect on the UK legal system”.
The report also commented on some of the evidence that the committee had obtained. Witnesses had told the committee that ratification would,
“help the UK’s position internationally in tackling violence against women and girls and would encourage other countries to follow suit”.
The Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales said that ratification would emphasise the state’s positive duty and it would,
“provide a further basis in law for those who wish to persuade the state to provide adequate and meaningful resources to construct an effective mechanism to protect women from gender violence and harm”.
That raises the question of whether there is a resource issue behind this which may not have been acknowledged in the same way as the concerns about the devolved institutions. I hope that the Minister will assure us that there is no resource component precluding ratification. The evidence from the Minister to the Committee referred to ratification being a matter for the devolved Administrations. Let us not seek to avoid any responsibility ourselves in that area. The Government’s response to the JCHR’s report emphasised their commitment to the convention but referred again to the devolved Administrations.
We have heard about the international context but, as we have also heard, this is not just a third-world issue. Real commitment would put all the mechanisms in place. It would be a considerable achievement of Her Majesty’s Government both to be able to ratify the convention and actually to ratify it. It would be a solid expression of our commitment to preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence. It would put the country’s legislation where its mouth is. According to the JCHR, the UK is in a good position to ratify. The then Home Secretary showed her personal commitment and only a single legislative change is required.
Last year, the JCHR visited Strasbourg. I recall a member of the Council of Europe strongly emphasising the importance of the UK’s example. The context was different—we were talking about compliance with the judgment of the court on a different issue—but the message was the same: the example set by a country which is respected and whose respect needs to be maintained. We support the Bill from these Benches.
(7 years, 9 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, as we come together in your Lordships’ House today, millions of people around the world are celebrating International Women’s Day: people who have travelled very different paths and faced difficult challenges but who are united in the belief that no country can truly flourish—socially, economically or democratically—if it leaves half its people behind. This year’s theme is, “Be Bold for Change”.
In some regards, it is a sad indictment that despite the integral role that women play in every aspect of life, we still struggle to be considered equal. In the opening years of the 20th century, courageous women joined hands and stood beside each other in solidarity. Outside this very House, suffragettes fought for women’s rights in our democracy, yet more than 100 years on, we are still striving to become a society that is truly equal. I feel a great sense of unity and purpose in this House, especially on the issue of gender equality, and I have every confidence that there will be a significant and meaningful debate today. But this debate goes way beyond our borders: the responsibility to raise awareness and tackle gender inequality in all forms is universal. It sits at the very heart of achieving fundamental human rights and equality for all.
In this country, we can be enormously proud of the progress we have made on gender equality. This Government have made great strides in ensuring that men and women are rewarded equally for their skills and abilities. More women than ever are in work, and the gender pay gap is at its lowest point, but we must persist. The new gender pay gap regulations, which will come into force next month, will provide greater transparency and move us significantly in the direction of eliminating the pay gap altogether. This progress, combined with our introduction of shared parental leave and pay, is also an important step in recognising the often undervalued work that women do. It goes a long way to addressing the impact of punitive career setbacks that occur when one parent takes on the lion’s share of domestic responsibilities.
I remember those painful setbacks myself. As a single mother, I experienced the immense pressure of wanting to be a perfect and indestructible parent while having to support my son and trying to lead a successful professional life. It is a balancing act that is often misunderstood and can be incredibly challenging and heartbreaking, which is why it is of the utmost importance that we give single parents the credit and support they deserve. Luckily, in my professional life I have had the privilege of working in some of the most forward-thinking, creative and innovative companies, and throughout that experience I have witnessed great women contributing their skills and talents to improving our lives through technology and innovation.
Technology has the power to be the great leveller. The internet represents opportunity on a massive scale and in theory empowers equally, yet when it comes to the question of women and their place in the technology sector, this rule does not seem to apply. Indeed, often it is quite the opposite, as men outnumber women and dominate senior roles. Women currently fill less than 30% of tech jobs in the United Kingdom. One explanation is that there are simply not enough women applying for these roles and even fewer girls studying science, technology and coding in secondary schools.
This was not always the case. In fact, women in the UK played a significant role in the beginnings of modern computing. The portrait of Ada Lovelace, which hangs proudly in No. 10 Downing Street, is a testament to this. The Countess of Lovelace was a brilliant mathematician who wrote the first instructions for the analytical engine which launched the birth of computing. We cannot forget the proud tradition of the pioneering women code-breakers of Bletchley Park—or women in science and technology the world over, for that matter. For example, there are those who worked for NASA, as portrayed recently in the Oscar-nominated film “Hidden Figures”. These brilliant African-American women scientists calculated crucial flight trajectories for Project Mercury and other successful space missions, but received faint praise at the time.
By the 1980s, the advent of home computing made the industry lucrative, and we started seeing advertising showing teenage boys playing videogames, making them suddenly the de facto experts in this once female-friendly business. Jobs in IT became high status, and as the pay packets grew bigger, men took over the jobs previously done by women. So much so, that in my first computer science class in 1980, there were just three women in a class of 400.
The Government want women back where they belong, taking the lead in computing. We were the first Government globally to introduce computing in the national curriculum, allowing pupils to learn computational thinking and creativity as active participants in the digital world. We worked with some fantastic organisations, such as the Stemettes, which provides effective mentoring schemes and events for young women and girls that give them confidence and the belief that they can succeed in science, technology, engineering and maths. Women Who Code, a global non-profit programme, is working to inspire women and encourage them to embrace careers in technology. Nationwide programmes such as the Code Club provide networks of volunteer-led, after-school coding clubs for younger children and girls in particular. In addition, the Government are supporting women entrepreneurs by investing £2.2 million as part of the superfast broadband rollout, which will enable them to access new markets and grow their businesses online.
The UK is a world leader in gender equality, and we take great pride in that. But outside the UK, millions of girls are kept from attending school, and this is a significant factor in poverty and lack of economic opportunity. UK aid has helped educate 5.3 million girls globally, giving them choice over their futures and the means to secure their livelihoods. We also played an important role in securing global agreement for UN sustainable development goal number 5, which is to:
“Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls”.
Internationally, this Government have been a powerful voice for women’s protection and equality. We established a benchmark through the Modern Slavery Act, which gives law enforcement the tools to fight this appalling crime. It gives them the tools to ensure perpetrators are brought to justice and enhances the support and protection available for victims.
Additionally, the Home Office is co-ordinating efforts across government, and globally, to tackle the crime of FGM and is supporting the work of the voluntary and community sectors, survivors and professionals who oppose this extreme manifestation of gender inequality and abuse. This work enables us to raise awareness and to become part of a wider conversation that empowers women globally to have open discussions, both online and offline, about this devastating practice.
I firmly believe that technology is a vital piece of the puzzle in how we effect female empowerment. Today, it is the means by which we communicate, learn, network, and engage with global markets. Digital technologies have great potential as tools for the inclusion of marginalised groups, enabling new kinds of participation in economic and political processes. Recently, we saw this potential in action as women organised online and marched in cities all round the world to defend their basic human rights. However, the digital world must also be safe, inclusive and empowering. That means building resilience through education and equipping all people with the tools to respond to and report harmful content, so that there is no opportunity to use the internet as a weapon against equality.
I know that many women have been recipients of hurtful, aggressive and degrading attacks online. Online misogyny is abhorrent. It is a global gender rights tragedy and must be addressed. We air our views on social media and we are punished with mockery, harassment and the threat of sexual abuse. For many this is compounded by racist and homophobic language. These tactics are used to undermine our human rights and dignity and to silence our voices. To that end, the recently announced review of domestic abuse and violence legislation presents us with an opportunity to simplify the existing wide-ranging legal protections and support people with the information and knowledge they need to protect themselves. Nobody should be left in any doubt of our commitment to ensuring that all women and girls live free from violence and abuse, whether online or in their communities.
Our commitment to this cause is exemplified by the work of the WePROTECT Global Alliance, which was founded and funded by this Government. Today WePROTECT works in collaboration with more than 70 countries, NGOs and law enforcement and industry leaders as part of a multi-stakeholder initiative to galvanise global action and eradicate child sexual abuse and exploitation online.
The newly announced cross-government drive on online safety, led by DCMS, will bring together the Home Office, the Department for Education, the Department of Health and the Ministry of Justice as part of a powerful co-ordinated effort to continue our work to make the internet safer.
We are also using new, technology-led communication to speak directly to young people and to help them recognise abuse. Our acclaimed teenage relationship abuse campaign, Disrespect NoBody, encourages teens to rethink their views on violence, abuse and consent. Young people need information and tools to build healthy, respectful and nurturing relationships. That is why last week, the Government announced a new duty on all schools to provide education on relationships as part of the PSHE curriculum.
The Child Exploitation and Online Protection Centre—CEOP—works across the UK to tackle child sex abuse and to provide advice for parents and young people. This work is both national and international and ensures that online child sex offenders are brought to justice in the UK courts, including those involved in the production and distribution of child abuse material.
Of course, more needs to be done and today’s theme, Be Bold for Change, means that everyone is watching expectantly to ensure that we continue making progress. Progress will not come easily—no true progress ever does. However, I am sure that I speak for all noble Lords here today in embracing the commitment to never stop striving towards a truly equal society. I beg to move.
My Lords, I remind noble Lords of the advisory speaking time for today’s debate of seven minutes, at most, to enable the House to rise by 7 pm.
My Lords, I thank all noble Lords who have spoken today. The contributions have been fresh and very thoughtful. International Women’s Day is a time for coming together, and I really appreciate how many speakers have reached across social and political differences and recognised the work of other people. My noble friend Lady Seccombe mentioned this, and I pay tribute to her for her many contributions over the years in these annual debates.
The UK is an international leader in promoting gender equality, with many in this House and the other place working tirelessly to protect the absolute right of all young people, whether boys or girls, to follow the path and fulfil their potential, free from tired and outdated stereotypes and unnecessary barriers to progression. Achieving gender equality is by no means straightforward, and there is no silver bullet. It is a complex and challenging issue; the breadth of subjects that we have heard today attests to that, from women in prisons to women on boards, and from women in their role in the economy to women and their role in peace, and also the impact of pornography on girls and young women.
In responding, I have tried to group some of these issues by subject. Noble Lords may occasionally feel that I am bouncing around somewhat, for which I apologise. If I do not respond today, I shall write.
First, on the role of women in the economy, I thank my noble friend Lady Bottomley for raising important issues so early on in the debate in so many areas in the economy and beyond, such as the arts, and her celebration of so many successes, so far at least. It was an uplifting contribution, as was that of my noble friend Lady Brady, who highlighted why business must attract female talent. It was my noble friend Lady Redfern who reminded us of the paucity of female council leaders and the impact that that will have and the consequences for the northern powerhouse initiative.
I am proud that Britain ranks as one of the best places in Europe for female entrepreneurs. There are around 1.2 million SMEs in the UK that are majority women-led. These businesses contribute an estimated £110 billion to our economy.
The noble Baroness, Lady Howells, who is understandably not in her place, raised the issue of the double discrimination of black women and their role in the economy. The Government take the matter of BME women’s employment very seriously indeed, which is why we launched the Ruby McGregor-Smith review to look at this—that is, the review of my noble friend Lady McGregor-Smith. The review looked at race in the workplace and published its findings earlier this year. It found that the UK economy would benefit from a £24 billion-a-year boost if black and minority-ethnic people progressed in work at the same rate as their white counterparts. It revealed that people from BME backgrounds are still being held back in the workplace because of the colour of their skin, costing the UK economy the equivalent of 1.3% in GDP a year, which is completely unacceptable. We are therefore taking action on the report’s recommendations and setting up the Business Diversity and Inclusion Group, chaired by Margot James, which will bring together business leaders and organisations to co-ordinate action to remove barriers in the workplace and monitor employees’ progress.
Women on boards were mentioned by the noble Baronesses, Lady Ford, Lady Howells, Lady Goudie, Lady Massey and Lady Redfern—but, notably, definitely not mentioned by my noble friend Lady Bottomley. We know that companies with more diverse boards and senior executives can access a wider talent pool and better represent the society that they serve. That is why we as a Government are supporting and promoting the Hampton-Alexander review’s targets for one-third of FTSE 100 senior executive leaders and one-third of FTSE 350 board directors to be women by 2020. Currently over 23% on the boards of FTSE 350 companies are women. That is more than double what we had in 2011, just a few years ago. We have exceeded the target set by the noble Lord, Lord Davies, of 25% women on FTSE 100 boards: there are now 26%. We are well on the road; I think we can all see that. The ultimate destination, though, is not yet in sight. I was interested to hear the ideas of the noble Baroness, Lady Ford, on how improvements might be made.
The noble Baroness, Lady Donaghy, specifically mentioned the gender pay gap. I am very proud that this Government have delivered on our manifesto commitment to require large organisations to publish their gender and bonus pay-gap data. What gets measured gets managed—and what gets measured publicly gets managed even better. She went on to say that there are no penalties if action is not taken. I beg to differ. We believe that the risk of brand and reputational damage will support compliance once gender pay gaps are made public. Furthermore, failure to comply would be an unlawful act and fall within the existing enforcement powers of the Equality and Human Rights Commission. The commission has, and will continue to receive, sufficient funds so that it can fulfil its role properly.
Turning from the economy to education, it is right that we talk about the education of girls across the world, as mentioned by my noble friends Lady Jenkin and Lady Manzoor. I am proud that the UK is a global leader in educating girls. Since 2010 the UK has supported 11.3 million children in primary and lower secondary school, which includes 5.3 million girls, and worked through global partners to train 380,000 teachers. In conflict-torn South Sudan, as mentioned by the noble Baroness, Lady Cox, we have helped 170,000 girls get an education. In Afghanistan we have given over 300,000 girls access to school. In Kenya our work has given disabled girls the chance to attend a mainstream school for the first time. The UK will continue to improve girls’ access to education by helping 11 million children gain a decent education in 2015-20 and supporting 6.5 million girls in school.
My noble friend Lady Bottomley made comments about higher education. We as a Government are committed to achieving gender equality in all areas of life, including academia. That is the logic behind the Athena SWAN charter, which was established in 2005 to encourage and recognise commitment to advancing the careers of women in higher education and research. By being part of Athena SWAN, higher education institutions are committing to a progressive charter, adopting a commitment to gender equality within their policies, practices, action plans and culture. We encourage all higher education institutions to sign up to that. In schools and for girls and young women, this Government are leading the way—and, as the noble Baroness, Lady Benjamin, said, are ensuring that PSHE is mandatory in schools and in the provisions of the Digital Economy Bill.
The contribution from the noble Lord, Lord Sheikh, was most interesting about the paradox of the education level of Muslim women versus their involvement in the economy. I hope that he will take forward his obvious passion for the subject and collaborate with others in the Muslim community to come up with some specific recommendations. I encourage the noble Baroness, Lady Uddin, to contribute to any work that goes on. She also mentioned the Casey review. As we know, that was only recently published. The Government are considering the Casey review’s findings and recommendations very carefully, and will publish plans for tackling the issues raised very shortly.
On international matters, the noble Baroness, Lady Prosser, talked about the Government’s commitment to overseas aid spending. I confirm that the Government remain fully committed to spending 0.7% of national income on overseas aid. This is enshrined in law. It is the goal of this Government, and specifically of the Secretary of State, Priti Patel, to make sure that they are completely focused on ensuring that, after detailed consideration, taxpayers’ funds are spent in the most effective way. Therefore, it would be inappropriate for me to comment on any further funding commitments in the future.
I wish to talk briefly about something mentioned earlier today. The UK is a leader in anti-corruption measures. Corruption has a devastating impact on the lives of women, men and children, particularly in developing countries. Only today, we discussed the Criminal Finances Bill, which has cross-party support and will further our efforts and those of our allies internationally.
My noble friend Lady Hodgson spoke about sexual violence in conflict, as did the noble Lord, Lord Hussain. Sexual violence in conflict is something this Government are committed to ending. That is why DfID, the FCO and the MoD are working to expand the reach and implementation of the UK’s Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict Initiative, focusing on Iraq and Syria in particular. The UK is committed to ending all violence against women. That is why we were instrumental in securing dedicated targets within the sustainable development goals on ending all forms of violence against women and girls. DfID doubled its programmes on violence against women and girls from 64 to 127 in 2016. In 2013, the UK made the largest-ever donor commitment to tackling FGM, with £35 million to support the Africa-led movement to end FGM over five years.
The noble Lord, Lord Hussain, referred to Kashmir. We recognise that there are human rights concerns in Indian-administered Kashmir, including allegations of rape and sexual violence. Any allegations of human rights abuses should be investigated thoroughly, promptly and transparently. Perpetrators must be brought to justice.
My noble friend Lady Hodgson and the noble Baroness, Lady Goudie, talked about women’s role in the peace process. The UK Government’s ambition is to put women and girls at the centre of all our efforts to prevent and resolve conflict, promote peace and stability and prevent and respond to violence against women and girls. In doing this we can support UK interests in stability and security more effectively. We all know that women are a vital part of conflict resolution. Evidence shows that women’s participation in peacebuilding increases the probability of violence ending within a year by 24%, and peace agreements are 35% more likely to last at least 15 years if women exert a strong influence. The UK’s work on women, peace and security is outlined in the tri-departmental national action plan. It brings together the UK’s diplomacy, development and defence efforts and provides a policy framework to ensure that the provisions of UNSCR 1325 are met.
My noble friend Lady Hodgson commented on CEDAW. I suspect that she will not be happy with my response. The UK has never put forward a candidate for the CEDAW committee. This is an issue that we keep under review and consider further each time there is an election for these positions. We are very committed to our responsibilities under CEDAW and will submit our periodic review to the UN this summer. This review will set out the progress we have made towards achieving gender equality since 2013, the year of our last review. I shall endeavour to press further, lest a more appropriate response be forthcoming.
The gag rule has been raised by the noble Baronesses, Lady Tonge and Lady Sheehan. The UK firmly believes that supporting comprehensive sexual and reproductive health and rights of women and girls, through proven, evidence-based public health interventions, saves lives and supports prosperity. We will continue to work with all our partners—including Governments, the UNFPA and civil service partners—to deliver this. On the issue of safe abortion, the US and the UK are not likeminded. Research shows that restricting access to abortion services does not make abortions less common; it only makes them less safe. The UK will continue to show global health leadership by promoting and supporting comprehensive, evidence-based sexual and reproductive health and rights. We will keep our contribution to these services under review as the landscape changes.
The noble Baroness, Lady Tonge, mentioned funding for Palestinian refugees specifically. The UK is one of the largest donors to the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian refugees, which provides services to some 5 million Palestinian refugees, including 70% of the population of Gaza. This ongoing UK assistance supports the provision of basic services to refugees across the region, including in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The assistance is focused on support for the most vulnerable, including women and children.
On more domestic matters, the noble Baroness, Lady Gale, talked about the report from the Women and Equalities Select Committee on how we will be able to improve the proportion of women elected to the House of Commons. The Government welcome the report from the WESC and are committed to improving opportunities for women in every workplace, including in the House of Commons. Parliament should be representative of the population we serve. We should take the opportunity to celebrate the progress that has been made. We have more women than ever in the House of Commons and, indeed, in your Lordships’ House. However, it is clear that more must be done. Tackling this issue will require a concerted effort from all political parties, as well as from the Government. The Government are therefore considering the committee’s recommendations carefully and will respond as soon as they can.
The noble Baroness, Lady Barker, talked about the Women and Equalities Select Committee report on trans people. Ensuring that transgender people are protected from discrimination and able to achieve their full potential is a priority for the Government. We are grateful to the committee for looking at this important issue and we responded to its recommendations in July 2016. Furthermore, we shall publish an update to the trans action plan in due course.
To further support transgender people in the UK, we have also committed to review the Gender Recognition Act 2004 with a view to demedicalising it, streamlining the process and improving gender identity services. NHS England is increasing spending from £26 million to £32 million this year and will run a national procurement of adult gender identity services in order to award new contracts in 2017. The NHS and others are developing a national workforce and training plan to reduce waiting times.
I turn to a contribution from the noble Lord, Lord Sheikh, who talked about forced marriage. We believe that everyone should have the right to choose whom they marry—particularly me, clearly—as well as when they marry or if they marry at all. Stripping people of their choices and their choice to marry cannot be tolerated. That is why the Government are committed to ending the practice of forced marriage in the UK and overseas. We have established a dedicated Forced Marriage Unit, which supports people at risk of forced marriage. In 2015 alone, it provided advice in 1,000 unique cases. We will continue to give victims and potential victims of forced marriage and domestic violence the best possible support and protection.
Turning briefly to an area raised by the noble Baroness, Lady Tonge, we are aware that there is a need to increase the number of doctors who are trained to provide abortion treatment and care. The president of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists is leading a programme of work to address this issue, working with the Department of Health.
I turn, finally, to women in sport, a subject raised by the noble Baronesses, Lady Ford and Lady Massey, and my noble friend Lord Sherbourne. Sport can play a fantastic role in physical health and well-being, as well as bringing people together. There should be no barriers to participation, whether as a result of gender or disability. That is why Sport England has developed the This Girl Can campaign, which works to eliminate fear of judgment, to normalise women taking part in sport and physical activity, and to change perceptions of what sport is.
Baroness Heyhoe Flint was a fantastic athlete but also a champion of female participation in cricket and sport more generally, paving the way for many women who came after her. That is why I was very pleased to hear that the International Cricket Council had created an award in her honour to celebrate the best female cricketer each year.
I express my heartfelt thanks to all noble Lords who contributed today but, in particular, I thank the four noble Lords—five; I apologise—Lord Singh, Lord Hussain, Lord Sheikh, Lord Loomba and Lord Sherbourne, for participating, and I commend them on their bravery. I am, however, disappointed that more noble Lords of the male type were not able to join us today. I very much hope that, if I stand here in a year’s time, we will achieve 50:50 participation in the debate, if not in the numbers in your Lordships’ House. Women must not be excluded—but we cannot do it on our own.
This debate has demonstrated that progress has at times been hard won. It has also reminded us, as the noble Baroness, Lady Prosser, my noble friend Lady Hodgson, the noble Baroness, Lady Flather, and my noble friend Lady Jenkin noted, how fortunate we in our country are relative to so many women in the world.
The theme for this International Women’s Day, as my noble friend Lady Shields and other noble Lords noted, is “Be Bold for Change”. I finish by imploring Members of this House to use those words as a beacon to guide their extraordinary efforts in the future.