King’s Speech

Baroness Smith of Basildon Excerpts

Tuesday 7th November 2023 Lords Chamber

Moved by

[Baroness Smith of Basildon]

That this debate be adjourned until tomorrow.

[Baroness Smith of Basildon (Lab)]

My Lords, as we look ahead to the Government’s programme for this last Session of this Parliament, it is also, as we have heard, a time of reflection. Last year, when Her Majesty the late Queen was unable to be with us, we were looking forward to her Platinum Jubilee celebrations a few weeks later. Yet before the year was out, a nation and so many across the world were united in grief and respect as we paid tribute to her extraordinary service. We as a House were proud that, at the Coronation of King Charles, colleagues from your Lordships’ House representing the four faiths—the noble Lords, Lord Kamall, Lord Singh of Wimbledon and Lord Patel, and my noble friend Lady Merron—played an important role in that ceremony. We welcomed that our new King made so clear his commitment to all the peoples of our nation and the Commonwealth.

Each gracious Speech is a stand-alone historic event with its own character that leaves its own memories. Today’s is the first since 1950 in which the King has announced the Government’s legislative programme for the year ahead. The last King’s Speech was in 1951, as we heard, when ill health prevented George VI from attending. The previous year, 1950, saw two King’s Speeches, one in March and the other at the end of October. At that time, the work to repair Parliament following the Second World War had not been completed. Debates were still taking place in the Robing Room, apparently in some discomfort, with building work continuing and the sounds of pneumatic drills reverberating around the building—it sounds familiar. Viscount Jowitt, replying to the debate as Lord Chancellor, was clearly irritated and complained that:

“Apparently according to precedent, the door behind me is left open and there is a howling draught blowing round my silk stockings”.—[Official Report, 2/11/1950; col. 132.]


Well, these days the silk stockings have gone, but I confirm from these Benches that the howling draught remains.

Today it is my pleasure once again, as Leader of the Opposition, to pay tribute to the proposer and the seconder of the Motion for an Humble Address. Both speakers today did the House proud. It is a great honour to be asked, either as the up-and-coming bright young thing or as the experienced veteran, but I imagine it is one of the most nerve-racking experiences that any parliamentarian could be asked to undertake—insert “said with feeling”. First, there is a trepidation about the role you are being asked to fill. I have never quite understood at what point in our political lives, or our lives in general, we slide from being the one to watch to being the wise old sage. But I am sure that we all agree that it happens far too quickly.

For the 1974 Speech, Lady Birk was on her way to the Chamber when she fell and cut her head. As she was whisked away for medical attention, Lord Shepherd, the new Labour Leader of the House, had to find a replacement with just minutes to spare. Lord Fenner Brockway, at the very last moment, crafted some words in his head as he entered the Chamber. A true professional, he delivered an excellent and thoughtful speech—although he did comment that, at the age of 86, he could hardly be described as up and coming.

In some ways, it was hard to tell which was which today, as both speakers displayed not only experience and knowledge but a fresh and enthusiastic outlook. The noble Lord, Lord McInnes, has shown his wide range of experience and interest since he was appointed to your Lordships’ House seven years ago. He has considerable experience in the political world from Scotland, with 14 years spent as a councillor in the great city of Edinburgh; and, as Boris Johnson’s senior adviser in Downing Street on constitutional issues, he must have some fine tales to tell. I am sure that he would have an enthusiastic publisher for his book. It is probably to his surprise, as it was to mine, that his long tenure as director of the Scottish Conversative and Unionist Party is listed on the parliamentary website as “non-political experience”. Having heard his excellent speech today, we look forward to hearing more from him.

The noble Baroness, Lady Stedman-Scott, is well known to the House, having spent many hours at the Dispatch Box. Prior to joining your Lordships’ House in 2010—just four days after me—she spent 30 years with Tomorrow’s People Trust, which she spoke about, working her way up to becoming the chief executive officer. In 2005, she was proud to receive the charity principal of the year award. In her maiden speech, she informed us that not only was she a lifelong Conservative but she had a distinguished heritage, with 10 of her ancestors being Conservative MPs and two being previous Members of your Lordships’ House. Who knew? She stood down from the Government last year, having served as a Whip and the Women and Equalities Minister, as well as holding posts at the Department for Work and Pensions and the Foreign Office. She is known for her kindness to colleagues. Many of us, when asking questions, have appreciated how often she was willing to take issues back to the department. Her speech today was enjoyed by the whole House. Thank you.

This is the seventh time that I have responded to the Motion for an humble Address from the Dispatch Box on this side of the House. Who knows? Could this be my last time—as Leader of the Opposition, I hasten to add?

For many of our citizens, these are challenging and worrying times. Our previous debates were held against the backdrop of Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. While that terrible war continues and we remain steadfast in our commitment to and support for Ukraine, it has been forced off the headlines by the shocking events in the Middle East. Today is just a month since Hamas’s brutal attack on Israel, with 1,400 people murdered and over 200 taken hostages. Their families still do not know their fate. The violence and suffering that has been unleashed is devastating. As the death toll in Gaza continues to rise, it is clear that humanitarian support is now essential to ensure that aid gets to those who desperately need it, and the hostages must be released.

Over the years, it has been too easy to look away when there have been tensions, and just to hope that peace will endure. When it does not, it is harder to find a way back and to keep the faith that a lasting peace is possible. But we must hold on to that faith. Saying that something is so does not make it happen. With so much suffering and violence across the world, our role, working internationally with other countries and institutions for the greater good, remains essential.

Here at home, last year’s Coronation was a celebration of faiths coming together. Many faith leaders work in their communities to foster understanding and acceptance of our differences, and to celebrate both shared and diverse views. When the world can feel more divided, those who are striving to bridge and heal divisions must be able to rely on our support.

At the same time as we see international conflict, so many here at home are worried about their future, for them and their families. The cost of living crisis is felt by almost everyone. For a country to thrive requires good governance, with competence, optimism, confidence and vision, and over the past few weeks there has been that usual intense speculation from experts—such as political journalists—about the content of the King’s Speech. But most of those reports were depressingly similar; little about policy but that Rishi Sunak would seek to provoke dividing lines with the Labour Party as a last chance to protect a failing Government. It would be, it was said, a manifesto for the next election—so no ambition for the country but ambition for the Prime Minister to try to keep his job. Listen to the Speech: there is little to inspire and give confidence that the Government understand the seriousness of the challenges that the country faces.

When we look at the Bills, I have to say that it is just disappointing. Yes, I understand that a football regulator is important; yes, we all want to see health improved by cutting back on the damage caused by smoking; and of course we support the introduction of both Jade’s law and Martyn’s law. But where is the overriding ambition? Where is the sense of the scale of reform that is necessary? Where is the vision? Even the Energy Secretary had to concede that the oil and gas Bill would do nothing to tackle high energy bills. The much-mooted radical overhaul of transport has been reduced to Bills that will deal with driverless buses and unlicensed pedicabs in London. We are being promised tougher sentences, yet only weeks ago judges were being told not to send offenders to prison because there was no room for them.

There is a commitment to reform the law for leaseholders, yet apparently it is only some reform for some leaseholders, as the 70% who live in flats are to be excluded. Well, I would not want to be the Minister explaining that one to my noble friend Lord Kennedy of Southwark. As we wait to see the detail of the much-delayed Renters (Reform) Bill, any reversal or delay on no-fault evictions is a betrayal of those renting their homes—and I would not want to be the Minister explaining that one to the noble Lord, Lord Young of Cookham. Perhaps, as we have a Home Secretary who describes homelessness as a “lifestyle choice” and wants to ban charities providing tents, we should not be shocked at the Government’s housing failures.

Where is the long-promised employment Bill? Just think of the opportunities that could offer. If we really want to grow our economy, we must recognise that having strong and fair rights for those in work is absolutely essential and good for growth.

Across the world we are seeing extreme weather conditions and the impact of pollution. Reducing emissions and seeking to tackle the climate crisis is not about making life harder for people, it is about seizing opportunities—the opportunities for new skills, for the creation of new jobs and for investment in the ongoing transition with related industries. New rights at work should be part of an overall modern industrial strategy where we work with industry in training the next generation in skills needed for the jobs of the future. Our education system has to be a route where every child, whatever their background, can achieve their potential, yet when the Government say they are going to reform the education system “for the long term”, what they really mean is “in the long term”, because these proposals are still on the drawing board and it will take 10 years for them to be brought forward.

It does not have to be like this. I am an optimist and government does not have to be about just managing or looking to see where an issue can be exploited to maximise votes. Government can and should be a force for good: an innovator, an enabler and an investor. Today, our nation needs policies for national renewal to drive forward our economy, education system and public services. If Labour were in government today, we would establish a national wealth fund to invest in battery gigafactories and clean steel plants and a publicly owned GB energy company to improve procurement, speed up green transition and make us a global leader in clean energy. Our focus would be on security of supply for homes and businesses and on protecting consumers from rising prices, and we have plans to build 1.5 million homes across the country. Our plans for government would unlock the potential for our country to grow and to thrive.

When Labour lost the 2019 election so badly, many thought it would take a decade or a generation to recover. But, in the same way as we understood the scale of the change needed in our party, and delivered it, we understand the scale of the change needed for the country. In the same way as we had the ambition to change our party, we have the ambition to change our country.

In the other place today, Keir Starmer sets out his commitment to

“lead a dynamic, mission-driven Government that will get Britain building and turbocharge renewal in every community”

across the country. So it is partly about vision and hope, but it is also about belief—belief in the potential of our public services, belief in the potential of our industries to invest and transition to the economy of the future, and belief that the public deserve better and that we as political leaders can do better than this for them. I beg to move that this debate be adjourned until tomorrow.