All 5 Debates between Baroness Noakes and Lord Stockwood

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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I am actually speaking to the FCA next week, so I will get some clarity on that and feed back to the Committee.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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The Minister referred to the four workstreams that the Chancellor set up last year. Can he say when firms might feel any difference?

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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I will come back on that after getting clarification on when those will come into effect.

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Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood
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My Lords, I beg to move.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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Not content.

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Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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Not content.

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Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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I will write to the noble Lord.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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Before I decide what to do with my amendment, I ask the Minister—because I may not have been paying attention—whether he explained why there is a requirement to consult the regulators for powers under new Section 408A but not under new Section 408B.

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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Again, I will write to the noble Baroness to clarify that.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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The Minister is stacking up rather a lot of letters that need to be written.

I thank all noble Lords who have spoken in this debate. It raises important issues. The Minister said, in relation to consultation, that the Treasury would summarise the evidence. That is not the same as being transparent about the advice from regulators. Although I am quite happy for the Treasury to summarise most other evidence on any consultation it undertakes, I think the regulators are a special case here. However, I will read Hansard and consider what, if anything, I will do with this topic before Report. Before sitting down, I too add my birthday wishes to the Minister. I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.

Financial Services and Markets Bill [HL]

Debate between Baroness Noakes and Lord Stockwood
Lord Stockwood Portrait The Minister of State, Department for Business and Trade and HM Treasury (Lord Stockwood) (Lab)
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My Lords, the Government share the views of many in this debate, particularly on the importance of ensuring that the secondary growth and competitiveness objectives are comprehensively embedded in the work of the regulators. That is why the Bill legislates to extend the requirement for the regulators to produce annual reports on their actions to advance competitiveness and growth objectives.

Amendment 99 would amend the secondary objective so that when carrying it out the regulators would need only to consider international standards, rather than to align with them. I recognise the desire to ensure that there are no unnecessary constraints on the secondary objective. However, the Government cannot accept this amendment. Aligning with international standards is central to the Government’s approach to supporting the international competitiveness of the UK as a global financial centre. These international standards underpin global financial resilience and support international trade. Stability, predictability and high regulatory standards are the cornerstone of the UK’s reputation as a global financial centre. Weakening the requirement to align would risk undermining the attractiveness of the UK as a place to do business.

However, it is worth noting that the UK is no passive recipient of international standards: we help to shape them. The Governor of the Bank of England is the current chair of the Financial Stability Board, and the UK authorities play leading roles in international bodies. I reassure noble Lords that international standards generally operate on a comply-or-explain basis. No standard trumps the objectives of the FCA or the PRA. Where it is right for the UK to go further, or where the nuances of our market require a different approach, the FCA and the PRA retain full flexibility to do so.

Amendments 100 and 101 would require the growth and competitiveness reports to be laid in Parliament and would prescribe their contents. These amendments clearly demonstrate the importance this House places on the growth and competitiveness reports. The Government absolutely agree about that. Since they were introduced in FSMA 2023, their value to stakeholders in Parliament and industry has been clearly demonstrated, which is why the Bill extends the original temporary requirement and will require the regulators to keep producing the reports on an annual basis. However, these amendments are not necessary: they are overly prescriptive and overlap with existing reporting mechanisms. For example, the regulators already provide ample public reporting on their authorisation metrics, which are published regularly and allow for year-on-year comparisons, and they already publish metrics along with their competitiveness and growth reports.

Amendment 102 would give the Bank of England a secondary objective to facilitate international competitiveness and growth in its regulation of central counterparties and central securities depositories. The Government recognise the importance of a dynamic and competitive UK clearing and settlement market. However, CCPs and CSDs have a unique role in managing risk at the centre of global financial markets and the value they provide is based on reliability and sound risk management. The UK’s success as a global centre for financial market infrastructure depends on its reputation for resilience, and regulation must reflect the roles of CCPs and CSDs as critical, globally shared infrastructure. The Government therefore do not believe that it would be appropriate for the regulatory framework for these firms to focus on international competitiveness or growth in the same way as other firms, or that the secondary objective for the Bank to facilitate innovation is the right one. However, the Chancellor made it clear in her remit letter to the Bank last year that it should consider how it can best support the Government’s growth mission when pursuing its objectives.

Lastly, Amendment 104A seeks to introduce new secondary objectives for the Bank of England in relation to payment systems. I am grateful to the noble Lord for raising this issue. The Government recognise that, where appropriate, secondary objectives can help the regulator to advance its primary objective in a balanced way. Payment systems are critical economic infrastructure and the Government agree that, alongside security and resilience, regulation in this area should support competition, innovation and growth.

However, the Government consider that the Bill already provides a framework that supports the aims of the amendment. Following the FCA taking on the responsibilities of payment systems regulations, it will retain the substance of the PSR’s objectives. This means that it will be responsible for promoting competition and innovation in payment systems and for protecting the interests of service users. The Bill also applies the FCA’s secondary competitive and growth objective to its general payment system functions and it includes provision to ensure that the Bank and the FCA co-ordinate effectively. I therefore ask the noble Baroness not to press her amendment.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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My Lords, I thank all noble Lords who have spoken today and the previous day. These amendments all relate to the secondary competitive and growth objective. I think that we share the same desire to have an effective secondary competitive and growth objective, which my lead amendment, in particular, was designed to ensure. The Minister says that the regulators have flexibility to do what is right, whatever the international standards. I do not think that that is captured by forcing alignment with standards, but I will think again about that before Report. I was also disappointed by the Minister’s other replies, because it seems that the Government are not taking opportunities to ram home the importance of growth and competitiveness, which is something that we fully support. I will withdraw my amendment now and consider what I shall bring back on Report.

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Lord Altrincham Portrait Lord Altrincham (Con)
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My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Bowles, and my noble friend Lady Noakes for bringing forward these amendments. I declare my interest as a director of South Molton Street Capital, which is regulated by the FCA.

The amendments in this group focus principally on Sections 165 and 166 of FSMA. It is worth recalling that the very expression “Section 166” has become part of the language of financial regulation. When the history of financial regulation is written, it will be the most famous item of regulation for this period. It is part of the common language, because there are dozens and dozens of these regulatory interventions.

Section 166 gives the regulators the power to require a firm to appoint or to pay for a skilled person—often a very expensive law firm—to produce a report on specified matters. These reviews can be burdensome, expensive and disruptive for the firms concerned. The concern we have heard from industry is that Section 166 notices have become more and more common in recent years. They were, as the noble Baroness, Lady Bowles, pointed out, initially quite scarce and quite important—and quite quiet, incidentally. Now, they are talked about all the time, because they are as common as anything. The serious issue is that they can, in effect, be used by the regulator as a demonstration of the exercise of its supervisory function.

These notices are supposedly for an inquiry, but they look quite threatening: they can be written in bold and in caps and in different sized fonts. They arrive at the firm with a variety of different names—often the firm has not actually heard of the regulator—and the tone of the notices can be unintentionally discourteous. This, of course, touches on other amendments which reference the right profile for the UK in regulating international firms that may operate in this country.

A Section 166 review is not cost-free regulation; it can require substantial external expenditure, internal management time, legal advice, data gathering, citizens’ work and follow-on remediation. The direct cost of the skilled person report may be only one part of the total burden. This means that there is inevitably a presumption of guilt in these inquiries, without a balanced challenge to which the firm can fully respond. We must bear in mind that firms often do not even know what the inquiry is looking for, so the ability to seek legal protection or a balance in the inquiry is made impossible by this approach to regulation.

In the general insurance and protection sector, an FOI-based report suggested that firms paid around £2.7 million for FCA-mandated Section 166 reviews in the year to 31 March 2024. It noted that internal costs and remediation costs can exceed the external review cost itself. That illustrates the point clearly that the financial and operational impact on firms can be significant. There is also the problem that some firms are not clear on why they are being subject to Section 166 in the first place. The regulator may go on a “fishing trip”, as described by the noble Baroness, Lady Bowles, which really is a good expression for how these inquiries proceed—to find fault without disclosing precisely what they are looking for.

That is why these powers need guardrails. As my noble Friend Lady Noakes has argued, Section 166 notices should be reserved for serious circumstances. They should not become a routine supervisory practice; they should not be used where the same information could reasonably be obtained through less burdensome means; and they should not be imposed without proper consideration of proportionality.

Amendment 117, in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Bowles, would require the regulator to be satisfied that there is a material risk of serious detriment to regulatory outcomes, and that using a skilled person report is a proportionate response. It would require the regulator to consider the scale and nature of the suspected issue, the burden on the firm and whether the matter could reasonably be addressed through existing supervisory tools.

That seems to be a sensible framework, as does that set out in Amendment 118, in the name of my noble friend Lady Noakes. It would restrict Section 166 reports to circumstances where the regulator considers that there is likely to have been a significant contravention of a relevant requirement, and where the information or documents could not reasonably be obtained without the report. These amendments speak to the same underlying principle: Section 166 should be an exceptional tool for serious cases, not a default mechanism.

I welcome Amendment 123, in the names of the noble Baronesses, Lady Bowles and Lady Altmann, which deals with Section 165 information-gathering powers and seeks to set sensible thresholds on access to information. If a regulator asks a firm for information or documents, it should be able to explain why that material is reasonably necessary, why the request is proportionate and why the information cannot be obtained from another source. Requests should not be duplicative and they should not be broader than necessary. Firms should not be left trying to satisfy vague or excessive demands without a clear understanding of the purpose behind them. That is a basic principle of good regulation, and it particularly matters for smaller firms.

The broader issue here is one we have returned to throughout the Committee: regulatory power must be matched by accountability and proportionality. The FCA and the PRA have significant supervisory tools at their disposal. Where those tools impose real costs on firms, there must be proper discipline in their use. These amendments raise important questions about the balance between effective supervision and regulatory burden. We will listen carefully to what the Minister has to say in response.

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Baronesses for these amendments, and I have listened carefully to the points made today. The principle of ensuring that the regulators take a proportionate approach to their work—in the case of these amendments, to skilled person reviews and regulatory information collecting—is one that the Government strongly agree with. We have previously debated that principle and how it applies more broadly to the work of the financial services regulators.

Amendments 117 and 118 relate to skilled person reviews under Section 166 of FSMA. It is an important supervisory tool, and the Government agree that it should be deployed proportionately. However, the Government are not persuaded that there is an issue here that requires us to further constrain the regulators’ ability to require these reviews when they consider it appropriate to effectively safeguard the markets and consumers. The regulators have existing procedures to ensure proportionality when considering whether to initiate a skilled person review. The FCA handbook sets out that it will first consider the circumstances of the firm, the costs involved and the availability of other supervisory tools to tackle the issue. The PRA has similar processes in place.

Layering additional statutory requirements on top of this risks creating burdensome delays over supervisory decisions. Skilled person reviews are often used precisely in circumstances where the regulator needs independent expert analysis. For example, requiring the regulator to satisfy a threshold test before commissioning a review could limit the regulator’s ability to direct a skilled person to investigate a potential consumer harm and implement a mitigation strategy.

The data does not suggest that the use of skilled person reviews has grown over time. I reassure noble Lords that the FCA’s use of them has been broadly consistent over the past 10 years, with an average of 48.5 commissioned a year. However, in 2025-26, only 31 were commissioned, down from a high of 83 in 2023-24. This increase reflected the FCA’s strengthened oversight in key areas, including financial crime and appointed representatives and, despite the increase in volume, overall costs to firms remained flat.

Amendment 117 would create statutory disclosure requirements relating to Section 166 skilled person reviews. The FCA and the PRA already provide transparency by publishing data on the reviews they have commissioned in their annual reports.

Amendment 123 seeks to raise the bar for regulators requesting information for the firms they oversee. The Government recognise the impact that regulation and supervision can have on firms, and agree that regulators’ supervisory activities, including information requests, must not create disproportionate burdens on firms. That is why the Government have committed to cutting the administrative burden of regulation by 25% by the end of this Parliament. The financial services regulators are activity contributing to this agenda. For example, the PRA is deleting redundant and duplicative data collections—its future banking data programme has reduced costs to firms by around £26 million annually so far—and the FCA has stripped out data requests for 36,000 firms. All this has been done without detracting from consumer protections or systemwide resilience.

Through the Bill, the Government are taking action to reduce the burden of regulation on businesses. This includes reforms to the senior managers and certification regime, which will enable the regulators to reduce the regulatory burden of the regime by 50% while maintaining its strong and effective framework for individual accountability. Imposing prescriptive statutory requirements on how the regulators gather information risks undermining effective supervision, which might bring serious risks. Regulators must be able to respond quickly to emerging risks, and sometimes that means requesting information in ways that cannot be neatly anticipated by legislation.

The Government agree that proportionality is hugely important, that unnecessary burdens should be avoided and that the regulators must be held properly to account for how they exercise the significant powers given to them by Parliament. But there is no evidence that these amendments are needed to ensure proportionality. They would risk constraining the regulators’ ability to do their jobs effectively, which would introduce risks into our financial system. I therefore ask the noble Baroness to withdraw her amendment.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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The Minister made great play of the importance of proportionality, on which I think there would be considerable agreement. The Bill removes the requirements to have regard to the regulatory principles, including, importantly, the proportionality paragraphs, for anything other than the five-year plan. It is therefore incumbent on the Government to look at all other areas of the Bill to ensure that proportionality, where it is needed, is correctly referenced in the Bill. By taking it away at the outset from the requirement to have regard in areas other than the five-year plan, the Government are leaving the Bill wide open to the non-proportional use of powers by the regulator. This area has not been fully developed by the Government in their thinking on this.

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Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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Can the Minister explain what the FCA and the PRA are doing about cumulative burden? Are they focusing on the cumulative burdens of the rules that they have assessed using a cost-benefit analysis, or is it for all of their activities? It is my understanding that they are both pretty clear that they will use cost-benefit analysis in the way the statute has prescribed—that is, they use materiality thresholds, so quite a lot of them are not required at all to be looked at—so the whole range of their activities, which covers anything that is not rule-making, does not get assessed for cost-benefit at all. Can I be clear on what the Minister thinks the regulators are doing?

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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I will have to write to the noble Baroness, because that is a very detailed question.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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To be clear, it is the question.

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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We are trying to be balanced and proportionate here. I recognise that these are important issues but, at the same time, it is about ensuring that the regulator has the flexibility to make those decisions. We are definitely making inroads on this, although I imagine that there is a lot more discussion to be had between now and Report. I want to make sure that I give the noble Baroness the right response.

Amendment 132 seeks to extend the CBA obligations to general guidance and supervisory practices—I take that to mean all guidance. The Government recognise the concern that regulatory burdens can be imposed on firms through guidance and supervisory practice, as well as through formal rules. Where guidance is about rules that have already been made, in most cases the underlying policy would have already been subject to CBA through the rule-making process, so requiring CBA for such guidance would be duplicative. In these cases, the guidance is to help firms understand what the rules require and how they operate. Where guidance may result in significant costs being incurred, the Government note and welcome the regulators’ work to voluntarily prepare CBA for guidance—for example, the FCA’s guidance on fair treatment for vulnerable customers.

Most guidance issued by the regulators does not impose material incremental costs on firms. Obligating the regulators to undertake CBA on guidance would impose heavyweight analysis where it is least meaningful. It would introduce delays for guidance being issued, undermining the regulators’ ability to respond quickly to market developments, risks or firm failures.

The CBA panels are a hugely valuable and still-developing part of our regulatory architecture. The right approach is to allow them to mature and to hold regulators publicly accountable for how they respond to input from the panels, rather than embedding a detailed operational rulebook in primary legislation that will be inflexible in the face of ever-evolving circumstances. I therefore ask the noble Baroness to withdraw her amendment.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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My Lords, I thank the Minister for his reply, but I do not think that it dealt comprehensively with the nature of the problem. I do not think that any of our amendments deal comprehensively with the nature of the problem, actually, because the answer is not loading on extra things for the CBA panels to do; it is about looking again at the obligations of the regulators. That is not what we have put down in these amendments, although we have had a debate on the issue.

I was pleased to hear the Minister say that he was prepared to have discussions between now and Report. This is an area where a number of us would like to get together with the Minister to try to work out how we can make some improvements, because the law as it stands is narrowly drawn. I do not think we can assume that the regulators will voluntarily expand that into the areas that some of us think should be covered, so it is right that we look at the legal provisions—but perhaps not necessarily the ones covered by these amendments. With that, I beg leave to withdraw my amendment.

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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My Lords, this will be the first of many groups where we discuss the frameworks that the regulators operate under, so I will say a few words about that framework before turning to the amendments.

Many of these amendments, and those in other groups we will take today, focus on the regulators and their accountability to Parliament. Parliament has enshrined the principle of regulatory independence into primary legislation through the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000, which obviously everyone in the Room knows as FSMA. The Government continue to believe that this model best serves the UK’s long-term interests by delivering effective regulation, informed by evidence and free of political interference. It is absolutely right that financial services markets, firms and activities are overseen by operationally independent, expert regulators. The FSMA model sets out clear roles and responsibilities for Parliament, the Government and the regulators. Parliament sets the objectives for the regulators and holds them to account for how they further those objectives when discharging the statutory functions that Parliament has given them.

The Government and Parliament must be able to scrutinise the work of the regulators to evaluate how effective they are and the impact that their rules are having. It is important that the regulators remain independent and accountable for their actions. The regulators are directly accountability to Parliament, and there are a range of mechanisms within FSMA to support that accountability and allow Parliament to effectively scrutinise the regulators.

A critical part of regulatory independence is the idea that the regulators listen to legitimate criticism and scrutiny—and the regulators do listen. For example, the FCA decided not to progress some changes to its proposed enforcement policy following scrutiny from the House of Lords Financial Services Regulation Committee. However, it is clear from the debate today and from outside the Room that there is room for improvement.

On the recent publication by the Financial Services Regulation Committee, chaired by the noble Baroness, Lady Noakes, I recognise the important work of that committee in its Growing Pains report and share its ambition to see a regulatory culture that is more proportionate, more responsive and more supportive of growth. The committee’s recommendations were directed principally at how regulators exercise their functions rather than at the statutory framework itself. The Bill provides greater legal clarity and certainty but it remains for regulators, through their leadership, judgment and accountability to Parliament, to deliver the cultural change that the committee rightly called for.

On the amendments in this group, Amendments 81, 83, 83A, 84, 84A and 85 each seek to address various aspects related to the principle of proportionality. I recognise the concerns and strength of feeling that I have heard today and I agree that the principle of proportionality is extremely important and must remain central within the regulatory framework.

The Bill’s approach is not to remove proportionality from meaningful consideration. Instead, the reforms will require the regulators to have regard to proportionality in the development of their long-term strategies, ensuring that they are applied in a more coherent and visible way at the strategic level. This would mean that, for example, rather than considering if an individual proposal is proportionate, the regulators will be required to set out clearly how they have considered whether their strategy and workplan as a whole results in burdens on firms that are proportionate to the outcomes they achieve. This change will support more meaningful scrutiny of how the regulators are considering and responding to the regulatory principles, and will support greater overall scrutiny of the regulators’ work.

Amending the framework to prescribe in detail how the regulators must recognise differences in the size, nature and objectives of the firms it regulates goes far beyond the current framework and risks adding unnecessary complexity to the framework. It is for these reasons that the Government cannot accept these amendments.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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I am afraid the noble Lord is going to be assailed from all sides. I was glad to hear the Minister refer to the work that the committee did in relation to the enforcement proposals, otherwise known as naming and shaming. Is he aware that if the proposals in Clause 17 go through, we will be unable to interrogate the FCA, in this case, on the proportionality of particular examples of what they are doing, in this case to change the enforcement rules? Proportionality there related very specifically to a set of proposals. For example, those proposals, which were to name people much earlier in the enforcement process, could have had the effect of wrecking the businesses of very small players in the financial services market. That is something that we were very keen to draw the attention to.

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Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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To return to the question of the 2006 Act, the Minister said that FSMA’s regulatory principles have been specially crafted for financial services. They have, over a period of time; they have changed rather a lot since they were first put into FSMA. However, when the 2006 Act was passed, there was a specific decision, by the Government, to include the FSA within its scope. They were all brought within scope by secondary legislation, just as the Government now propose to take them out by secondary legislation. Why do the Government take a different view from the Labour Government in 2006—who decided that those regulatory principles have, as I have explained, some important additional elements to those within Section 3B—and think that those additional principles are not now relevant?

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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It goes without saying that there are many things on which I do not agree with the Labour Government of 2006, but we will leave that for another day. We believe that this is already covered. I do not want to allow the noble Baroness’s expertise to be undermined by my relative inexpertise, so let me come back in writing on that. The advice I am getting is that we believe that it is already covered, but let me come back in writing before our meeting next week.

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Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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My Lords, I begin by explaining the Government’s purpose behind Clause 18 and why it should stand part of the Bill. Over time many reporting and procedural requirements have been placed on the FCA and the PRA, increasing burdens, introducing duplication and in some cases complicating oversight, scrutiny and accountability. There is broad agreement that this dynamic is true for firms subject to regulation. I ask noble Lords to reflect on whether it might also be true for the regulators and on whether that is slowing them down and ultimately having a negative impact on firms and consumers.

These burdens are not without consequences. The regulators must follow the letter of these requirements, diverting time and resources away from other work. Ultimately the cost of that work is passed on to firms through the levy they pay and through their engagement with the asks of the regulator. The Government’s view is that there is scope to rationalise parts of this approach to enhance the effect of scrutiny and to help regulators become more agile and ultimately better support innovation and growth.

The Government sought feedback on which regulator publications stakeholders found most useful and then worked closely with the regulators to consider this feedback and further assess the range of requirements placed on them. Feedback to the regulatory environment consultation indicated very low engagement with certain types of regulator publications, and the regulators’ data confirms this. In recent years, the FCA and the PRA consulted on several proposals to which they received zero responses, although I accept that not all publications are created equal.

I have listened carefully to the concerns raised, particularly the argument that these provisions remove practical tools that help Parliament and stakeholders understand what the regulators are doing and why. I recognise that concern, and that is why the Government have approached this area carefully. Clause 18 is carefully targeted and relatively modest. The Government are retaining the vast majority of the existing transparency and reporting framework. Clause 18 is focused on removing a small number of requirements where the burden of complying is disproportionate to their value. These changes do not prevent the regulators undertaking any of these activities where they judge it useful to do so. Instead, they give the regulators greater flexibility to focus on delivering their strategic priorities.

This clause must also be read in the context of the wider framework. The Bill introduces new long-term strategies, maintains the requirement for regulators to respond annually to Treasury recommendation letters and provides for an additional annual report on how the FCA and the PRA have complied with their competitiveness and growth objectives. Taken together with the existing framework in FSMA, these measures are intended to strengthen overall transparency, not weaken it.

I turn to the amendments, starting with Amendment 89—

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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Before the Minister moves on, can I just press him on the evidence of stakeholders that has been relied upon to sweep away so much stuff in Clause 18? Did the stakeholders specifically say they were not interested in guidance that was issued by the regulators or in the consultation on that guidance?

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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Unfortunately, the precise question was not asked in the consultation.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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So on what basis are the Government making the decision to remove the requirement under FSMA to issue the guidance, and obviously, therefore, to consult on it?

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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I will have to come back to the noble Baroness. The broader requirement is that we are trying to streamline the process to take the regulatory burdens away. We recognise that we need to give a precise answer on that.

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Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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I think there is a broad principle: we are trying to give the FCA the power to make those small changes in both directions.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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Where does that power begin and end? I can understand it when we are talking about hundreds of pounds; I am not sure I understand how much flexibility is now being given to the regulators to do things. We can probably recognise, at one end of the spectrum, something that is very significant, but who is the arbiter of what is so unimportant that it does not have to be consulted on? The regulator. Are the regulators the right people to make that decision? No, they are not, because they are not the people affected by the change.

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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Our overarching principle is that we are trying to show trust in the regulators while recognising the significant feedback from the debate today. We are hoping that minor changes will be in their gift and their expertise.

I will come back to my notes here. The measure is about giving the regulators the flexibility to gather industry input in more efficient ways. It is not about bypassing industry, but rather about recognising that the industry’s time is valuable and should be focused on engaging with consultations that genuinely have impact. Other channels, such as round tables with firms, supervisor interactions, meeting with trade bodies and engagement with statutory panels, can provide a more efficient route to understand industry’s issues on what are minor or technical changes. The Government’s view is that retaining these specific requirements in all cases would preserve unnecessary process, even where it adds little value in practice, and that the Bill preserves consultation requirements in most cases and where there is genuine value for the sector, as well as regulatory oversight.

Amendments 93 and 94 seek to remove all requirements on the PRA to meet the auditors or PRA-authorised persons. As the noble Baroness, Lady Noakes, noted, the Bill removes the requirement for the FCA to meet at least once a year with the auditor of any PRA-authorised firm that has been designated as important to the stability of the UK financial system. Requiring both the FCA and the PRA to meet PRA-authorised firms is duplicative and unnecessarily burdensome in terms of the effective use of resources. However, the Government’s view is that removing all requirements around engaging this important group of auditors would go too far. It is vital that the PRA continues to engage with these auditors and plan for meetings to take place at least annually, to ensure that the PRA can secure the valuable insights into the health of systemically important, regulated firms that auditors can provide. It is for this reason that the Government cannot accept these amendments.

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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My Lords, the purpose of the government amendments in this group is to ensure that the relevant provisions of the Bill operate clearly, consistently and in line with the Government’s original policy intent. They are technical and corrective in nature and do not change the underlying policy of the Bill. However, it is important that noble Lords understand the purpose of the amendments so that they can agree that they are minor and technical, so I will explain them briefly.

Amendments 56, 60 and 63 make minor, technical corrections to Schedule 2, which, taken with Clause 13, abolishes the Payment Systems Regulator and gives broadly equivalent functions to the FCA. Amendment 56 removes a duplicative provision from new Section 131Z9 to the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 that is already covered by new Section 131Z19. Amendment 60 corrects a cross-reference so that the Bill refers to the correct FCA payment system powers when setting out how the Competition and Markets Authority is to determine an appeal.

Amendments 61, 62 and 63 ensure that references to the chair of the PSR, which will be obsolete after the PSR is abolished, are deleted in the correct places in Schedule 1ZA to the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000, which concerns the FCA’s constitution and governance.

Amendments 143 to 145 are also minor and technical amendments. Amendment 143 and 144 ensure that Section 66A of FSMA is amended in a coherent and orderly way, regardless of whether the amendments to that section made by Clause 27 are commenced first or the amendments to that section made by Clause 36 are commenced first. Amendment 145 amends subsection (4) of new Section 55AA, inserted by Clause 29(3), to ensure that the language used there is consistent with the language used elsewhere in FSMA. The amendment simply replaces the words “is in force” with “has effect”. These amendments do not change the policy or legal effect of the affected clauses. They are drafting amendments for the purposes of coherence and consistency only.

I now turn to Amendments 147 to 150, to Clause 33. Clause 33 allows firms to apply for senior approval, subject to conditions or a limited period; they are known as permitted conditional applications. This helps support a more flexible approvals process. Amendments 147 to 150 are technical amendments that fix an error in the original drafting and will ensure that the framework operates as intended. Without these amendments, there is a risk that decisions will not be properly formalised and that the period for determining applications will not be applied consistently.

Amendments 147 and 149 provide that the period for determining permitted conditional applications is the same as for other senior manager applications. Amendments 148 and 150 provide that regulators must give written notice when they approve a permitted conditional application. Taken together, these amendments will ensure that the statutory framework works clearly and consistently in practice.

In summary, this group of government amendments makes technical corrections to ensure that the Bill works as intended. I hope that noble Lords will join me in supporting them.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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My Lords, I have given the Minister notice that I intend to object to these amendments, so if he presses them, I will object and therefore they will not pass. It has been the custom of our House that when the Government table amendments to Bills, they notify all Members of the House—because the Government cannot determine which Peers might be interested in which amendments—and explain the amendments. It may well be that some of these amendments are technical and mean simply the correction of errors, but Members of your Lordships’ House should have the opportunity to consider them properly.

I became aware of this only late last week, when I suddenly realised that several government amendments had been put down—these and others—and that I had had no letter. I do not believe that anybody else has had a letter. Because of that, we ought to maintain the customary practices of your Lordships’ House. As I said, I will object to these amendments if they are put.

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Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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I think this is part of a broader discussion. I am informed that this takes into account existing practices for how the reviews and overviews take place. Unless we decide, in the following debates, that we need an amendment to provide parliamentary overview, this will apply to the current regulatory framework as the oversight currently exists.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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I may be being a bit dumb, but I did not understand that at all.

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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I do not want to get confused about this. My understanding is that this is already existing practice, but I will take this away and write to the noble Baronesses just to confirm that this is exactly correct. We are trying not to defer from the practice as it exists today, but I will write to clarify that.

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Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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We will have to come back to these points at a later date. This is a broader conversation on oversight, and points have been made on this subject outside the Room. I hope noble Lords will allow me to come back to these points, as I think this will come up in further debates both during and after Committee.

Turning to Amendments 72 and 75, the Government agree that regulation should be proportionate and support the objectives behind these amendments. Indeed, the Bill forms part of the Government’s broader effort to reduce the burden of regulation on businesses, ensuring that the UK has a regulatory environment that supports growth while maintaining high standards. The Government have made a commitment to cutting the administrative burden of regulation by 25% by the end of this Parliament. The financial services regulators are actively contributing to this agenda. For example, the PRA is implementing new insurance reporting requirements that will cut paperwork by one-third, contributing to savings for firms of £66 million per year, and the FCA has proposed removing some transaction reporting that would save firms over £100 million per year.

However, the Government do not think it would be appropriate to impose a requirement that every long-term strategy must include a full review of all regulations and a plan for eliminating them. A universal rule review exercise each time a strategy is prepared or revised would not be proportionate and would reduce the regulator’s capacity to focus on other priorities. There are existing requirements in FSMA which require the regulators to keep their rules under review and to publish statements on policy and on their approaches to reviewing the rules. The Government consider that this is a proportionate approach.

Amendments 71 and 74 seek to require the FCA and the PRA, when preparing and revising their long-term strategies, to consult persons they consider would be affected, including those they regulate. I understand the intention behind these amendments. If the regulators are to produce long-term strategies that are meaningful and credible, it is clearly important that they are informed by engagement with those who are affected by them. The Government have a clear expectation that the regulator’s strategies will be informed by that engagement.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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Can the Minister explain why that is not included in the Bill? The Government expect them to engage with the industry. One would normally write consultation expectations into legislation. That is the normal practice. Why was it not done in this case?

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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Again, we will have to come back to that point. One of the things we are trying to consider is how we do not overburden by creating more regulation, but we will have to review that point and come back to the noble Baroness.

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Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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That is correct.

Amendments 71 and 74 seek to require the FCA and the PRA, when preparing or revising their long-term strategies, to consult persons they consider would be affected, including those they regulate. The Government have a clear expectation that the regulators’ strategies will be informed by engagement with industry, consumer representatives and other stakeholders. However, adding a statutory consultation requirement could lead to long delays between a new Government setting direction through a recommendation letter and the regulators putting a strategy in place.

The noble Baronesses, Lady Kramer and Lady Noakes, asked how the Government’s remit will work under the new system. The FCA and the PRA will now be required to have regard to their remit letters when producing or updating long-term strategies. The regulators will continue to be required to respond annually to remit letters, setting out the actions to which they will respond. The noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, asked about non-executive directors; I will write to her on that as I do not have the answer to hand.

The accountability of the financial services regulators is clearly an important matter of huge interest to the Committee. I have heard a range of views today on exactly what this should look like, and we will continue to debate this issue in relation to subsequent clauses. However, regardless of views on the wider matters of transparency and accountability, I am confident that the majority will agree that long-term strategies will add to our understanding of the regulators’ strategic priorities and approach, which must be a good thing. I therefore ask that Clause 16 stands part of the Bill.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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I have some questions for the Minister. Does he believe that the FCA’s five-year plan provides a model for what the Government have in mind for compliance with Clause 16, if it becomes law? I will start with that question.

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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I apologise. Can the noble Baroness repeat that?

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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Does the Minister believe that the FCA’s five-year plan, which started last year, is the model on which Clause 16 has been based? Is the Minister expecting that sort of document to be produced in response to Clause 16?

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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What the clause is trying to represent is that this is the starting point. There is definitely work to do and it needs to be improved.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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Can the Minister expand on that?

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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What we have set out in answer to that question is that there is clearly a need for greater transparency and thinking about what the five-year plan looks like. In terms of the interaction with the Treasury, the hope is that we can get it into a position where it has greater clarity and certainty about long-term planning. It will be an emergent process, to ensure that it is improved on.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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I put it to the Minister that this clause has no specificity around it: no ability for the Treasury to agree the format or content of a five-year plan; no requirement for consultation; and no requirement for the involvement of parliamentary committees. We are being asked to give a blank check with these rather vague requirements. There are words in the Explanatory Notes about the Government expecting these to be “high level”, which is why I asked for the Minister’s reflections on what is clearly a very high-level document from the FCA. I am not getting any sense of what is likely to come out as a response to that.

Linked to that is my second question. I asked earlier what the Minister’s response would be to the question of whether annual plans were required. At the moment, both regulators produce annual plans for what they will do in the year, which provide a very rich source of information for the regulated community on what they can expect. If we are to have those levels of detail, it may not matter at all if an airy-fairy five-year strategy document is produced, full of drawings, pictures and stuff like that. If, however, we will not have anything else, and if the Bill takes out the one existing requirement on the PRA to produce annual plans, then we have a problem.

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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I can clarify that an annual plan is required and will still be required. Let me write to the noble Baroness to confirm that.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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Can I conclude my remarks with a plea to the Minister? He has taken away a number of issues arising from this debate, on which he will be writing one big letter or several medium-sized ones. It is normal, when something as contentious as this arises, for all Members of the Committee to be copied in on any such letters, not simply the one noble Lord who raised a specific query.

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Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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The sense is that it creates an administrative burden. We are trying to cut down on regulation as part of trying to accelerate growth, and we believe that that is the right balance.

Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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Do we not want to reduce regulation on regulated firms, rather than regulators?

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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They are obviously related.

Financial Services and Markets Bill [HL]

Debate between Baroness Noakes and Lord Stockwood
Baroness Noakes Portrait Baroness Noakes (Con)
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My Lords, the Minister said that they may need the power to change financial services legislation. Since financial services legislation is in the hands of the Treasury, I think we are entitled to a slightly more specific explanation of how the power might be used to change primary legislation. Can he be more specific about which bits of financial services legislation the Treasury will likely use the power for?

Lord Stockwood Portrait Lord Stockwood (Lab)
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With all these examples, I will have to come back in some detail at a later stage. The idea of narrowing the powers means that we can take into consideration the conversation and debate, while acknowledging that there will be some work to do in the intervening period. We believe we have the time to do that before the Lloyd review comes into play, allowing us to make the amendments necessary.

On Amendment 18, from the noble Baroness, Lady Noakes, I reassure noble Lords that the Treasury engages very regularly with the retail banking sector as part of its policy-making process. In addition to the Treasury’s ongoing regular engagement, the Access to Banking Services review will engage closely with as wide a range of stakeholders as possible, including the industry, consumers, local authorities, small and medium-sized businesses, and trade bodies. Furthermore, if regulations are made under this power to confer functions on the FCA, the Government would expect the regulator to follow its usual processes and to fulfil its statutory duty to consult before it imposes any new requirements.

Amendment 21, in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, contains a similar requirement for the Treasury to consult before making any regulations. It would require the Treasury to have regard to other sources of evidence, including the burdens that any regulations would place on banks, and for the Treasury to publish a statement alongside any draft regulation summarising its consideration of the evidence. The review will consider these sources of evidence, and, in considering the review’s recommendations, the Treasury will naturally take into account the impacts on banks and other relevant businesses. If the Treasury brings forward regulations under this clause, it will publish an impact assessment that will consider the impact on firms, as well as the proportionality of regulation.

Similarly, Amendment 23—in the name of my noble friend Lord Sikka and spoken to by my noble friend Lord Davies of Brixton—would require the Treasury to have regard to the need for local banking services when making regulations under Clause 3. I reassure my noble friends that the review will consider the need for in-person banking services and the impact on any specific cohorts or demographics. Funding will be considered once the review has identified the scale and nature of the consumer detriment and once the Government have considered how to respond.

Likewise, Amendment 22, in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Tyler of Enfield, seeks to require the Treasury to have regard to several matters relating to the existing provision of banking services, including through banking hubs and the Post Office. The review will consider these sources of evidence when forming its recommendations. On her specific point on the time between bank branch closures and the opening of a banking hub, I reassure her that, if a banking hub is recommended, FCA rules already require banks not to close existing cash-access services, such as branches, until the recommended solution is in place.

Amendments 20 and 25 would require the Treasury to commission further independent reviews if it wishes to make subsequent regulations after first exercising the power in this clause. There is an existing requirement in Clause 3 for the Treasury to have regard to the recommendations of the current review when making regulations. The review was commissioned to bring together proactively the evidence from across the UK and to look at the trajectory for access to in-person banking services, not just the position as it currently stands. If the Government consider it necessary to make further provision in future, they would envisage this to follow the usual process of consultation and impact assessment, beginning from the baseline of evidence provided by the ongoing review. Further wide-ranging independent reviews are likely to be disproportionate.

Amendment 24, in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Bowles of Berkhamsted, is similar: it would limit the power to be used only to implement matters arising directly from the independent Access to Banking Services review. As I have made clear, the Government’s intention is for the power to be used to implement the recommendations of the review. However, it is important that the power is not limited solely for this purpose, in case further relevant evidence outside the scope of the review comes to light as Ministers consider the review’s recommendations. The Government should be able to consider all relevant evidence, not just the review itself, before making any regulations.

Amendment 19 would require the power to be used to make regulations only if the relevant banking services would not be provided on a voluntary basis. The Treasury welcomes action taken by industry to support customers and welcomes the voluntary commitments, such as services provided in banking hubs, that the industry has taken forward. The Treasury will consider relevant information in determining any regulations to take forward following this Bill, including any relevant voluntary arrangements already in place.