(3 months, 2 weeks ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I am very grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Lexden, and I congratulate him on tabling this Motion for us to debate. I am very concerned about the impact it will have on independent schools. I oppose the plan and I hope that we and the Government will think again, given all the reasons we have heard today about the impact on parents, schools who face closure and the wider benefits to the community, which will be lost.
This matters more than ever before. Independent schools show not only what can be achieved. They offer competition and an alternative to the state sector. I believe this is, more than ever, important. We are confronted today, not just in this country but in others too, by the total state and its domination over life and liberty, over every area of our lives and our children’s lives, through ever-higher tax, the arrogation to itself of ever greater powers, and ever more spending on what the state, rather than the people, decrees.
That will now be extended to independent schools which, unless the Government change their intended policy, will be obliged to pay VAT. Many are charities that originated in municipal, private and church charity under, and helped by, the historic charity laws of Elizabeth I when education was specifically mentioned as one of the purposes of charity, along with three others.
Indeed, in 1870, when the state itself moved in to provide for public elementary schooling where previously there had been a grant system, the Prime Minister of the day, William Gladstone, insisted that parental freedom and freedom of conscience must continue to be catered for, and that the state should supplement not supersede existing voluntary schools, which were independent of the state. He was a Liberal Prime Minister who led a debate against the left—the ideologues—in his own party, who wanted a uniform, Prussian-type military system of education as a state system. He would not sacrifice parental choice to a uniform system. He won the day and the law provided that the state with its board schools would supplement not replace voluntary schools of all persuasions—Anglican, Catholic and Dissenter.
In today’s secular world, your Lordships may no longer think such freedom of conscience matters, but we face an ever bigger state. We also face threats not only to freedom of conscience but to the academic and intellectual freedom of those who teach. The Government now appear intent on suspending indefinitely the operation of freedom of speech in universities, the Higher Education (Freedom of Speech) Act. They are intent on reviewing a national curriculum which the coalition worked so hard to ensure would provide a minimum of knowledge in each subject on which teachers themselves would be free to build and develop. They also intend to get rid of the Ofsted snapshot.
These matters are more important than ever; we are confronted by the total state. I urge the Government to treat this measure in the spirit of all Governments of the past: to encourage diversity and to leave it alone. The Labour Party under Mr Blair, the Liberals under Gladstone and the Conservative Party have all championed diversity, not uniformity.
(1 year, 3 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I am grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Garden, for securing this important debate, and I thank her and all noble Lords who preceded me. I, too, want young people to be educated to take their full place as citizens, educated in this country’s history, cultural heritage and traditions, which are characterised by its protection of freedoms—economic, political and, over time, religious—and its thriving voluntarism, with the state kept in its place by an informed democracy and the ballot box.
The question is: how can this best be achieved? Should—or, indeed, can—it be done by designating teachers and lesson time to potted citizenship classes, recruiting a cadre of teachers trained in what officials believe to be the fashionable subjects of citizenship today? At the very best, this can do little more than skim the surface but, at worst, it could end up undermining beliefs, traditions and aims that we all seek.
Today’s national curriculum already requires pupils in secondary schools to be taught specific citizenship programmes for 11 to 16 year-olds. For instance, GCSE headings cover such things as the development of the political system of democratic government; the role of citizens, Parliament and the monarch; the nature of the rules and laws of our justice system; voluntary bodies; and, of course, as has been mentioned, the management of finances, to mention but a few. Teaching these can best be achieved as a by-product of learning important subjects such as history, literature, classics, religion and mathematics, with teachers educated to degree level in their subjects. It is good, confident teachers who engage their pupils and can illustrate and make comparisons with today, imparting the skills needed and the aptitude to develop, whatever path in life is taken, be it professional or vocational.
I urge the Government to focus on recruiting able, academically qualified and committed teachers for all schools—primary as well as secondary—in the central subjects. This is the surest way to understand a culture characterised by parliamentary democracy, the rule of law and individual freedom.
(1 year, 5 months ago)
Lords ChamberIn relation to the noble Baroness’s first question about the impact of debt on students far into the future, it is genuinely very interesting—given the level of debt and the amount of debate about debt—that demand to go to university continues to increase and continues to increase in very disadvantaged communities. Young people with an older brother or sister who is grumbling about repaying their student loan know that this is the case, yet there is huge demand for our universities.
I think the noble Baroness would also recognise that there are other taxpayers. Somebody must pay the costs of higher education and currently we have a balance between the students themselves and other taxpayers, some of whom have not been to university. That is a delicate balance to strike. But if one were to do away with student debt entirely, somebody would have to pay and that would obviously fall on every other taxpayer.
In terms of the individual examples she gives, whether it be deciding to live in a particular part of the country or choosing not to take a graduate job, or the grandmother, or the carer, I do not think any of those things change as a result of this. What we are saying is, you have two courses delivering the same thing, and in one course 40% of people drop out and in the other course 10% of people drop out with a similar profile; should we not be asking why that is happening?
My Lords, I thank my noble friend for her interesting analysis of the Statement in replying to questions. I was particularly interested in the questions from the noble Baronesses, Lady Smith and Lady Blackstone. Can I probe my noble friend on two points?
The noble Baroness, Lady Smith, referred to salaries not necessarily being a good indicator of the value of a course, particularly in arts and humanities. Humanities graduates can earn lower salaries than those who go into other subjects, but might I suggest that there is a middle way on this? History is my subject; I began my professional life in Cambridge as an academic historian for my first two jobs. But I found that many historians went into other jobs: they converted by the GDL—a law conversion course—or moved into media and the BBC, or the Civil Service. What humanities give, and I urge my noble friend to pay full tribute to this, is that a subject such as history encourages the training of the mind, which can be adapted and applied to more professional or vocational subjects. For instance, it is no accident—this is anecdote, but I think it is true—that classicists helped to start Silicon Valley, so there is not such a gap.
With regard to the point made about dropouts by the noble Baroness, Lady Blackstone, I could not agree more that one cannot necessarily blame an institution for poor teaching. Good heavens—Birkbeck College is renowned for attracting good students who take advantage of the flexible courses on offer, which can be taken at night. However, I suggest that we have a real problem here. It must be for the institutions to pay particular attention to selection procedures, so that applicants for their courses are suited to the courses on offer, despite the pressure for fees which most institutions are under today.
I thank my noble friend very much for her remarks. She does not need to convince me about the importance of a history degree in allowing you to do different things. Personally, I read history, went into the City, ran a charity and now I am here. I am not quite sure what your Lordships might take from that, whether it was a training for the mind or that I just got lucky. My noble friend is absolutely right that the kind of critical thinking skills that one gets in a number of academic disciplines, including history and other arts and humanities subjects, are incredibly important—arguably, increasingly so as we move into a world of AI and beyond.
Again, my noble friend is right about selection procedures. I would say in addition that we see really excellent examples of not just selection but initial support for students, whether that be in an institution such as Birkbeck or in an institution which typically takes more students who have just left school. That is clearly very important and something that many institutions work on. The last point I would make in relation to her remarks about selection also relates to the remarks in the Statement about franchise providers. It concerns the importance of the care that we believe the main institution that is issuing the degree needs to take on which franchise providers it works with.