Planning and Infrastructure Bill

Baroness Helic Excerpts

Committee stage
Thursday 11th September 2025 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Young of Old Scone (Lab)]

I support everything that the noble Lord, Lord Teverson, has just said about Amendment 178—apart from his remarks about my expertise in land use frameworks. I am not expert; I am just old and have been around the block for so long promoting the idea of land use frameworks that people get confused about whether I actually know anything or not.

The noble Lord, Lord Teverson, absolutely hit the nail on the head. We have quite a number of new plans concerning land and nature around at the moment, invented by various pieces of legislation and policy, and it is vital that local plans, which are a key vehicle, take account of them. Otherwise, what is the point of doing them? Local plans are central vehicles for the delivery of the land use framework and local nature recovery strategies, which the noble Lord ably pointed out the value of.

I would just question the Minister as to whether local plans will be required to comply with the land use framework and local nature recovery strategies. If not, what will the delivery vehicles be for implementing these important plans, which we have only just agreed were important and are now being worked through? If there is no implementation vehicle, what is the point of doing them?

It would be good also to hear from the Minister what the latest is on the land use framework. The Conservative Party, when in government, promised me the land use framework by Christmas 2022, and then by Christmas 2023. The Labour Government went out to consultation fairly promptly after the election, before Christmas 2024. I was delighted yesterday to hear the new Defra Secretary of State endorse the importance of the land use framework under her new regime. We are again getting pretty close to Christmas. Can the Minister say whether we might see the next version by Christmas 2025?

[Baroness Helic (Con)]

My Lords, I support Amendments 152ZA and 261A tabled by my noble friend Lady Hodgson. These would require spatial development strategies and environmental delivery plans to take proper account of animal welfare as set out in the Animal Welfare (Sentience) Act 2022. This is not about adding extra bureaucracy; it is about recognising a truth that we often ignore. Planning is not just about where we place bricks and mortar; it is about the choices we make for the land, the habitats and the creatures that depend on them. At present, there is a yawning gap between what is promised and what is delivered.

The University of Sheffield has shown that in new developments, 83% of hedge-grown highways, three-quarters of bat and bird boxes and almost half the promised hedges never materialised. Trees specified on planning plans were found dead and not planted at all. There are fine words in planning documents, but in practice animals are left without space or shelter. This is why the warning of the Animal Sentience Committee must be heeded. In its formal response on 27 June this year, the committee rightly stressed that the Planning and Infrastructure Bill conceptualises biodiversity as an abstract environmental good but ignores the lived experience of sentient animals, which will be displaced, harmed and killed during construction. The image it gave was searing—a bulldozer driving through a badger sett, burying animals alive, justified by the promise of a new sett to be built a decade later, never to be seen. The committee made good and sensible recommendations on welfare impact assessments, construction and timetables that avoid breeding seasons, and practical measures such as swift bricks, wildlife tunnels and hedgerow highways.

The case of the brown hare teaches us what happens when welfare is absent from the statute book. Once abundant in England, hares are now in deep decline because we fail to legislate for a close season. Hundreds of thousands are killed in breeding months, leverets are left to die, and populations are down by 80% in certain areas. If that can happen to such a cherished and loved animal, we should not be surprised that less visible creatures fare even worse.

EDPs risk levies being paid at the expense of impacts on animal welfare. The Bill risks directly impacting protected species, with bats, birds, badgers and hares uprooted from their habitats, distressed, or destroyed altogether. Conservation is not only about biodiversity; it cannot exist without animal welfare.

We must do better. Yes, there is a need for new homes and better infrastructure, but we also want living hedgerows, thriving trees, wildlife corridors that actually function and a countryside that remains alive. These amendments do not hold back growth; they simply hold us to a higher standard of responsibility. By adopting them, we would show that planning for the future is about not only housing numbers but the kind of country we wish to be: one that values progress, but not at the expense of wildlife, and builds for people, while safeguarding the animals which share our land.

[Baroness Freeman of Steventon (CB)]

My Lords, I speak in support of Amendments 152ZA and 261A in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Hodgson of Abinger. She and the Animal Sentience Committee raise the important point that the lives of individual animals seem to have been overlooked in the Bill.

When we work in policy-making, we always have to weigh up whole-population decisions—potential benefits to one group against potential harms to another. Of course, we have to do that, but we never forget that those policy decisions involve individuals. We do not forget it when they are individual people, and anyone who has been close to an animal, such as a pet, knows that individual animals have their own emotions—they can experience fear, joy and pain. It is important that we bear this is mind. We discuss animal welfare matters when it comes to pets—we discussed the docking of tails in pet animals just last Friday. Whether it is a pet rabbit or a wild rabbit, they have the same experiences, so it is very important for us to consider whether there are ways in which we can acknowledge that in the Bill.

Children: Impact of International Conflict

Baroness Helic Excerpts

Thursday 12th September 2024 Grand Committee

[Baroness Helic (Con)]

My Lords, I welcome this debate. I thank my noble friend for introducing it and for speaking with so much clarity and empathy. I also thank Save the Children for all the work that it does to shine a light on the issues children face around the world. I will not repeat what has been said but try to build on it. If I may say so, I expect that the next Save the Children report might find that 2023 was the year with the highest record of human rights violations against children, because children have somehow come to be regarded as legitimate targets and mere collateral damage.

Earlier this year, I met Victoria Rose, the lead consultant for plastic surgery trauma reconstruction at Guy’s and St Thomas’, who has done several placements in Gaza. Last week, having just returned from her latest placement, she said that 80% of the patients she had treated were children suffering life-altering wounds. She described doctors reusing medical supplies and operating without anaesthetics—on adults but also on children.

In November last year, Project Pure Hope was established by a number of NHS organisations and partners as a humanitarian, multifaith initiative to bring severely injured and sick children from Gaza and Israel for specialist medical care. A team of highly impressive doctors came together, fundraised and created partnerships, hoping to help severely injured children. I asked the previous Government to support this initiative by approving emergency medical visas for critically injured children who have been affected by life-altering explosive injuries and have been assessed by experts in the United Kingdom who recommend that they are transferred to the UK for specialist medical input that cannot be delivered in the medical hospital in the region. Unfortunately, support for these children—a limited number of children, for a limited period—was not forthcoming. I raised this again in July with the noble Lord, Lord Coaker, in the debate on foreign affairs and defence, and got no answer.

We have extended help and support to the sick children of Ukraine, and rightly so; we ought to be proud of that. However, we seem to have decided not to provide specialist support for the children of Gaza. Other countries, such as the UAE, Italy and the USA, have taken a different approach. I acknowledge and welcome UK humanitarian support for the people of Gaza and support for hospitals in the region, but we know that certain needs cannot be met and certain wounds cannot be healed in the best regional hospitals; they need specialist care here. I therefore have just one question for the Minister: will UK policy change?

International Women’s Day

Baroness Helic Excerpts

Friday 10th March 2023 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Helic (Con)]

I start by welcoming my noble friend Lady Lampard; I look forward to learning from her.

It is important that we celebrate the progress we have made on women’s equality and the many achievements of remarkable—and of ordinary—women. It is also important that we highlight, as we should year-round, some of the areas where we are roundly failing women.

Since August 2021, Afghan women have been systematically forced into marriage, abducted, raped and assassinated by their new de facto authorities, the Taliban. Contrary to hopes, restrictions on women’s rights have ratcheted up. The Taliban have banned women from secondary school and university. In December, the Taliban banned women from working in non-governmental organisations, putting vital services for women and girls across the country at risk. Brutally imposed social restrictions, such as mandatory burka coverings, restricted access to healthcare and prohibitions on women appearing in public places without a male chaperone, are once again a daily reality.

As we mark International Women’s Day, we should remember what we helped build, shona ba shona, shoulder to shoulder, with our Afghan friends and particularly with Afghan women. From 2001 through August 2021, Afghan women musicians, artists and journalists thrived. It was not easy, but their strength and determination were globally recognised. Some 6 million Afghan girls went to school; more than 100,000 women graduated from university. More than 4,000 women served in the Afghan police and armed forces. By 2020, 21% of Afghan civil servants were women, compared with none under the first Taliban regime. Some 27% of Afghan parliamentarians were women—compare that with 29% in your Lordships’ House.

We know that the progress made in urban Afghanistan was not immediately replicated in the countryside. The prior history of Afghanistan, which affirmed women’s equality in its constitutions of 1964 and 1976, was already a reminder that human rights are fragile and that without defence they can be rolled back, but the situation is now devastating. As we mark International Women’s Day, I ask for a clear way forward to help the Afghans—women in particular—we left behind, particularly those whose lives have been crushed.

I have four questions for my noble friend the Minister, on four commitments which His Majesty’s Government could make to improve the lot of women in Afghanistan. First, will they ensure that Afghan women facing death and persecution at the hands of the Taliban have practical, accessible and timely routes to seek refuge in the United Kingdom? The two refugee referral pathways for people still in Afghanistan and neighbouring countries were launched last year. According to a Commons Library briefing note in January, only four people have been resettled under one of them, and none yet under the other. Earlier this week I received a message from a female Afghan journalist now in Pakistan. She fears that the Taliban are still hunting her. She is seeking safety in Britain. What will my noble friends in the Government do to ensure that she can find it?

Secondly, will His Majesty’s Government commit to continuing to find ways of providing aid to the women and girls of Afghanistan, who so desperately need it, while making clear to the Taliban leadership that restrictions on humanitarian workers and aid delivery are unacceptable?

Thirdly, will His Majesty’s Government seek to work with our allies around the world in majority-Muslim countries which emphasise religious tolerance and gender equality, to influence the Taliban, empower the more moderate factions, and persuade them that restrictions on women and women’s education are not the only or true interpretation of Islam?

Fourthly, will His Majesty’s Government make every effort to support long-term social change in Afghanistan, and to reach Afghan woman and girls and provide them with continued access to knowledge? I note that the women of Afghanistan, stuck in their houses, watching as every aspect of their life is restricted by the Taliban, are among those who are most dependent on BBC Persian radio, which helps to keep horizons wide even as autocrats seek to limit them. I continue to hope that the Foreign Office, the Treasury and the BBC will find a way to reverse the terribly short-sighted decision to close this lifeline service later this month.

Successive UK Governments have told Afghans that we would be with them for the long term. I am afraid that we have not lived up to those promises, and the women of Afghanistan are paying the price. As we mark International Women’s Day, let us recommit to not walk away and to do what we can for Afghan women.