(4 weeks, 2 days ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, I, too, congratulate the noble Lord, Lord De Mauley, on introducing this excellent report. It makes grim reading. By its reckoning, we are not defending ourselves as a country well enough. It pre-dated, but was prescient in, its conclusions, which played out in the terrible scenes at the White House last week when, finally, American foreign policy was laid bare.
There will be no security backstop guaranteed by our long-term allies. We have in effect been cut off from what we have long believed to be our security lifeline. America, under this President and his wealthy backers, has reneged on that long-held view that the western alliance worked together against the dictator and aggressor, Putin. That view was shattered to pieces when, at the recent United Nations General Assembly, the resolution blaming Russia for starting the war was voted against by peace-loving, democratic nations such as Belarus and Hungary—and the United States of America. Now, President Trump is threatening to revoke the legal right of 240,000 Ukrainian refugees to stay in the US. Who could possibly have thought it?
That was only the beginning. Things have deteriorated inexorably since then. This report articulates the urgent need for us to examine and address the areas that we need to support in our military strategy in order to assure this nation that we can protect and defend ourselves—the very first priority of any Government. In doing so, we need to ensure that we play our important part in a pan-Europe security role, helping Ukraine to survive this terrible war, particularly since the United States has just decided to suspend its military aid to Ukraine—a shocking, brutal and traitorous act toward a country trying to save itself from Russian aggression.
There is so much in the committee’s report, ranging from the underlying importance of deterrence, through the defence recruitment system and how we build mass, to how we need to recruit and retain more reserves and the urgent need to better understand and work with our defence industry. I applaud all the speeches that have talked about this; it is a blueprint that I hope will be studied and accepted by those about to produce our strategic defence review.
The report identifies what must now be done to rectify this, at speed—all the while acknowledging how difficult this will be when our resources are so low and money is scarce. However, raiding our international aid budget to help pay for this urgent uplift to our national security is, I believe, the wrong way to go about it. There are around $300 billion of frozen Russian assets across the G7 and the EU. We hold around £25 billion of those. Will the Government urgently bring forward legislation to unblock those assets? The money that we have taken from the international aid budget could then be put back and made to work in those countries whose very existence relies on our support. In the long run, that soft power that we have exercised so well in the past will be remembered.
The report also makes much of engaging the whole of society in understanding the importance of defending ourselves against future aggression. A déjà vu moment for me came as I recalled my visit to the civil defence college in Easingwold some 35 years ago. We had three days of intensive training in all aspects of what we should do in the event of nuclear war being declared. As local councillors at the time, we were given insight into how we should help our communities prepare and ultimately survive any attack. We had tabletop exercises, discussions and military personnel guiding us through debates and lectures.
Shamefully, some of us treated this important seminar as a bit of fun—light-hearted relief from our day job as councillors. One evening, I organised an escape committee to the local pub, when we were not supposed to leave the estate. It was only when we were subjected to the awful sound of air raid sirens on some exercises that the reality of what we were doing there had the desired impact on us. Ukrainians have had that every day for the past three years and the reality of Russian terror in so many unspeakable ways.
There was a bunker at County Hall in those days and only one person was in charge of running our county’s emergency defence service—how very British. At least we had an appreciation of just what was involved in civil defence. My fear now is that this knowledge is completely lost and that it will require a considerable effort to bring it back into existence. The report is a wake-up call indeed for this and I ask the Minister what plans the Government have to bring back civil defence awareness in our society.
Now we know that we cannot count on America any more to help in the defence of our way of life and our values as democracies, we have to stand as one against those malign forces that seek to destroy those values. Ukraine has shown us how to do this and we must continue to help that brave country fight for its right to exist. This report charts the work needed to bring this forward at speed. Now is the time for us to make ourselves ready.
(5 months, 1 week ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Coaker, for introducing this debate. It is both timely and necessary. I start by remembering what the Budapest memorandum was all about. Signed in 1994 by Russia, the USA and the UK, it was intended to reduce the threat of nuclear war. It prohibited all three countries from threatening or using military force or economic coercion against Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan, except in self-defence or otherwise, in accordance with the charter of the United Nations. So Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan were to give up their nuclear weapons—to Russia.
Ukrainians thought they were getting a solid guarantee of security in return for surrendering their nuclear arsenal to Russia. Then Russia invaded Crimea in 2014, and no one did anything to stop it. So here we are, helping Russia to continue this tragic, unnecessary and illegal war by not providing Ukraine with the defences that it needs to give it a chance to get Russia to the negotiating table. Ukraine has been made to fight with one hand behind its back. I absolutely agree with the excellent speech from the noble and gallant Lord, Lord Stirrup, who spoke so eloquently on this.
I am proud that my country has been at the forefront of helping Ukraine to fight for its right to remain a sovereign country and not be overtaken by its belligerent neighbour. But I ache for the thousands of Ukrainians killed on the battlefield, with their families and homes destroyed and so many of them now displaced around the world due to the horrors of war in their homeland. Policymakers around the world have been amazed and humbled by the fighting spirit, bravery and dedication of their forces. They believed, as probably so many did at the beginning of this war, that Ukraine could never win against such might—but I challenge that, because I also believe that Russia’s forces have shown that they are not what we thought they were. Maybe their propaganda has hit its intended mark. Their losses are hugely more than those of Ukraine, and their advances not nearly as important as they would like us to believe them to be.
The media, drinking in this rubbish from the Kremlin, portray each tiny advance by Russia as a huge gain, when the reality is very different. In truth, Ukraine’s powerful and effective resistance has been a shock to them. Given the proper means to defend itself, Ukraine could at least help to save the lives of countless numbers of its citizens and so force Putin to the negotiating table. Will the Government use Russia’s frozen assets to make reparation both to individual Ukrainians and to the country as it rebuilds after the war?
Volodymyr Zelensky has produced a plan to bring some closure to the war, but the United States will not wear it. This is very disturbing as it was originally such a strong supporter of Ukraine, and I really caution it against dismissing Ukraine from its sights. Russia’s promises are not worth the paper they are written on; it cannot be trusted to keep its word on anything. Russia is willing to break every international agreement within the state system. It has lied about so many things, not least the invasion of Ukraine, and even if a deal were struck Ukraine needs more than words to keep Russia from further infiltrating its borders. It has already stated that it wants the complete destruction of Ukraine, so where is there room for any compromise with Putin? We must not make any concessions to him.
If we give in to Russia now, where will it go next? What of the Baltic states, as we have heard? Then it will be on into Europe to make the nightmarish dream of this despicable dictator to rule like a tsar come true. If Putin wins, might that be a green light for China to challenge the West? What do we think China might do? It will see the West’s weakness and go for Taiwan.
Finally, I want to mention visas. The temporary visas given to Ukrainians when they first came here will run out soon. What are the Government doing to extend these? Will the Minister ensure that, at least here, Ukrainians can build new lives and contribute fully to our society, by giving them the right to remain and work here? Many of them have professional qualifications and want to earn their own living. The right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Leicester spoke about this. Giving them skilled visa status would be the best way to recognise them. Does the Minister agree, and will the Government provide them that status? To all our new friends who have made their lives here now, who mourn for their broken homeland and their families who could not escape the Russians’ barbarity—those who have to live with the reality of terror every day—we owe our loyalty and assistance.
Ukraine is a proud, sovereign nation. It deserves our full support and our thanks for halting Russia’s further advances into Europe. Its brave fighters and citizens need us to step up now, especially in the face of some reluctance by other nations. I hope and pray that we will never let them down.