(1 day, 16 hours ago)
Lords ChamberI refer the House to my registered interests. Over many years, I have taken more than 150 delegations of parliamentarians to Israel and the region. I have seen what Britain can achieve when we are trusted and when we are in the room, and I have sadly watched this Government give it all away.
As my noble friend Lord Leigh said, within a day of the announcement our consul-general in Jerusalem was ordered to leave. British personnel were removed from the centre co-ordinating the Gaza ceasefire and rebuilding. Our training of Palestinian Authority security forces was stopped. Not one designation had been made, yet we lost our seat at the table before the ink was dry.
And for what? These regulations will not bring peace one day closer. How would the Government even know? Beyond counting designations, what measurable outcomes will they use to judge whether these sanctions improve humanitarian access?
The Abraham accords have shown that peace is built through trade, investment and partnership. Britain should be part of that. Instead, with tests that no one can define and penalties of up to seven years in prison, British banks and businesses cannot know where the Government’s line falls. Many will simply walk away from Israel. That damages British trade, it damages Israel and it damages the relationship between our two countries. I gently remind the Minister that the British mandate ended almost 80 years ago.
Only yesterday, in relation to our national security and defence, my right honourable friend Kemi Badenoch said:
“This is not a student union; this is the running of our country”.
This sanctions policy is another example of student politics at its worst.
During this debate, by my calculation, there have been about 40 legitimate questions posed to the Minister. We did not have an opportunity before the SI was laid, so I struggle to understand how such a flawed policy can be rushed through with no parliamentary scrutiny and done on purely domestic political considerations, with a by-election in Holborn and St Pancras and, frankly, pandering to the mob.
These measures do not help the two-state solution that the Government say they support. As the noble Lord, Lord Mendelsohn said, every serious peace proposal since the Clinton parameters of 2000 has expected the major settlement blocs to remain part of Israel.
So, if this policy is to stand, I ask the Minister three simple questions. First, how do these sanctions bring the two-state solution closer? Secondly, if the green line is now the line on which British sanctions turn, will the Government publish where it runs and say clearly whether east Jerusalem and the Golan Heights fall within it? Thirdly, will the planned advertising ban stop British estate agents, newspapers or community organisations from advertising homes in the Jewish neighbourhoods of Jerusalem?
Peace is built through engagement, not sanctions. Britain should be building bridges in the Middle East, not burning them.
Baroness Antrobus (Lab)
My noble friend Lord Mendelsohn omitted to declare his interest earlier and wishes to briefly do so.
(1 week, 3 days ago)
Lords Chamber
Baroness Antrobus (Lab)
I thank the noble Baroness for mentioning the impact that these terrible attacks are having on Saudi Arabia. As she knows, we strongly condemn them, hence our provision of support. Clearly, wider diplomatic actions are being led more by the FCDO than by the MoD, but officials on both sides are talking to allies in the region and, of course, the United States and other countries that are concerned that that action continues. I can confirm that the Secretary of State for Defence and the Chief of the Defence Staff spoke to their Saudi counterparts within days.
My Lords, once again the Iranians are causing havoc and supporting the Houthis. It is heartening that we are supporting Saudi Arabia in this, but surely we can do something here at home and proscribe the Houthis.
Baroness Antrobus (Lab)
We keep the list of proscribed organisations under review. It is the Government’s long-standing position not to comment on whether or not a specific organisation is being considered for proscription. Decisions to proscribe are taken only after a rigorous process, in close consultation with operational partners, based on the best available intelligence and a careful assessment against the statutory tests set out in the Terrorism Act 2000.