(8 years, 11 months ago)
Lords Chamber
That the draft Regulations laid before the House on 2 November be approved.
Relevant documents: 9th Report from the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments, 14th Report from the Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee
My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Hunt, for his interest in this matter, and I know he has great knowledge through his work at the NHS Confederation, in healthcare and as a Minister. Naturally, I am disappointed to understand from his amendment that he feels that the draft regulations are fundamentally unfair and in contradiction to the assurances given by my predecessor, my noble friend Lord Howe. I will take this opportunity today to reassure him—I hope—and wider stakeholders that this is not the case.
I want to begin by giving some context to the regulations. They seek to rebalance the objection mechanism that exists within the statutory processes of setting the national tariff for healthcare services. They increase the objection percentages for clinical commissioning groups and relevant providers of services. They will also remove the prescribed objection percentage for providers weighted according to their share of the supply in England of such services as may be prescribed.
Everyone knows the scale of the financial challenge facing the NHS. That is why the Government have committed to investing £10 billion by 2020-21 to fund the NHS’s own plan for the future, with £6 billion frontloaded in the first two years of the six-year period.
Along with the implementation of a range of provider support measures we have available, this will help to ensure the health and care system remains on a sustainable footing over the longer term. But as Simon Stevens made clear in the Five Year Forward View, the NHS must play its part in delivering these efficiencies.
Delivering a financially stable NHS is a key priority for the new chief executive of NHS Improvement, Jim Mackey, working closely with the department and NHS England to support the system at a local level to deliver the transformational changes needed to drive efficiencies.
Nevertheless, we do not underestimate the challenges facing the system from an increasingly ageing population with more complex needs, which I am sure all noble Lords are aware of. This is why we support the ambition of the Five Year Forward View set out by NHS England to ensure we protect the model of universal coverage free at the point of delivery for future generations.
But to realise this vision, we need to support the whole health system. This will not be easy, but this principle lies at the heart of the regulations, which we believe will ensure sufficient stability and timeliness in publication of the national tariff but also ensure that as much as possible of the additional funding that this Government have provided for the NHS reaches patient services, rather than being tied up in processes or reinforcing acknowledged barriers to transforming health and care.
Let me give noble Lords some background to the regulation—where this refers to statutory duties, I will use the name Monitor rather than NHS Improvement. The Health and Social Care Act 2012 introduced a new independent, transparent and fair pricing system that requires Monitor and NHS England to collaborate to set prices and further develop new payment models across different services. The intention of this system was to create a more stable, predictable environment, allowing providers and commissioners to invest in technology and innovative service models to improve patient care.
Monitor has the specific duty of promoting healthcare services that represent value for money and maintain or improve quality. It achieves this by working with NHS England to regulate prices and establish rules for local pricing and flexibilities. NHS England defines the “units of service” for which prices or rules will be specified. Units of service include, for example, the pregnancy-related services that a woman may need through antenatal, delivery and postnatal care, with levels of payment aligned to clinical factors—often complexity. At all stages, Monitor and NHS England have to agree elements of the tariff with each other.
The Act also includes a statutory basis for providers and commissioners to raise formal objections to the methodology that Monitor proposes for calculating national prices rather than the price itself. It is vital that tariff proposals reflect wider views across the sector but, as NHS providers acknowledge:
“The ultimate responsibility for setting NHS tariffs must lie with Monitor … and NHS England as the statutory price-setting bodies”.
Following comprehensive engagement with commissioners and providers, Monitor is required to publish a final draft of the national tariff and allow 28 days for commissioners and providers to consider the proposals. Commissioners and providers may formally object to the proposed methodology for calculating tariff prices for specified services. This draft instrument seeks to amend regulations made in 2013. Those regulations exercise a duty to prescribe two objection thresholds and a power to prescribe a third. Thus, under the current rules, Monitor will calculate the following after the consultation: the percentage of commissioners objecting; the percentage of providers objecting; and the percentage share of supply held by the objecting providers, which allows the objections of providers to be weighted proportionate to the nationally-priced services.
Each threshold is currently set at 51%. If any of these are met, the unexpired tariff remains in force. Monitor cannot publish the national tariff and has to either put forward alternative proposals and publish them for consultation, or refer the method and the objections received to the Competition and Markets Authority.
I shall now explain the outcome of the two tariff processes that took place in 2014-15 and 2015-16 under these new arrangements. No objection threshold was met when the first proposed national tariff was consulted on in 2014-15 and the tariff was published on time. For 2015-16, the objection tariff mechanism was triggered as the share of supply objection threshold was met as 73.7% of providers by share of supply objected. As a result, the unexpired 2014-15 tariff remained in place.
A key motivation for providers’ objections to the tariff proposals was the efficiency requirement of 3.8%. A further significant trigger for formal objections related to a variation to the payment of national prices for specialised services rather than the underlying method for the price, which is the only ground on which objections can be made. As a result of the objection mechanism being triggered, the 2015-16 tariff was not published and the unexpired 2014-15 tariff remained in place at a potential considerable cost to the health service.
Following further engagement, a large majority of providers agreed a local variation to the 2014-15 tariff prices while a minority have continued to be paid the unvaried 2014-15 tariff prices. Overall for 2015-16, this has meant an additional cost pressure estimated at £0.5 billion. We cannot afford this and any repetition would ultimately affect patient care and prevent crucial investment in front-line care. This cannot be right. It would also distract the system from implementing the five-year forward view which would place the NHS on a sustainable footing.
The objection mechanism is intended to be a process that is triggered in exceptional circumstances. When the thresholds were prescribed in 2013, it was made clear in the Explanatory Memorandum:
“The Department also intends to review the objections thresholds in due course once the new system beds down”.
The circumstance that national prices in the tariff are set predominantly for acute care rather than mental health and community services means that objections from acute providers then carry most weight in calculations against the share of supply threshold. While the larger acute providers have perhaps exercised their own role in using the objection mechanism in a broadly reasonable manner, the share of supply mechanism cannot fairly reflect the balance of wider interests across the healthcare sector. This should not be read as the Government placing less value on the crucial role played by the acute sector, but as a greater emphasis on the interests of the NHS as a whole. Indeed, we welcome the role that the acute sector is playing in new collaborative roles within its health economies.
My Lords, I am very grateful to the noble Lord for his detailed and careful explanation of the reason for this statutory instrument. I still regard it as a flawed set of regulations and I am not surprised that your Lordships’ Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee has reported it for the specific attention of the House on the grounds that the regulations may imperfectly achieve their policy objective. It is my contention that the regulations undermine a core part of the Health and Social Care Act 2012. They certainly run against the spirit, if not the letter, of what the noble Earl, Lord Howe, told the House during the passage of the Bill. Although the noble Lord has been very careful to differentiate between acute and non-acute trusts, the actual impact of what is being proposed is that NHS trusts and foundation trusts, which provide 96% of the tariff work for the NHS, are effectively disabled from using the tariff objection mechanism because it is mathematically impossible for them to trigger it alone. They would need some of the very small-scale, private providers to join in. The effective silencing of the voice of the NHS front line in the tariff-setting process displays a shocking degree of arrogance on the part of NHS England. It seems to be bent on punishing these providers for having the temerity to object, as they did in the last financial year.
The noble Lord has carefully described the national tariff. I suspect that noble Lords know more about it than they ever thought they wished to. As he says, it is very important in terms of the income going to most NHS providers. The 2012 Act provides for a statutory duty to consult on the proposals that NHS England and Monitor make. There is also a parallel right to object to the tariff proposal if they have insignificant numbers. The current threshold is 51% of commissioners or providers, either individually or based on the proportion of services they provide. This is called the share of supply. I do not think that 51% could be said to be not setting a pretty high threshold. I understand entirely that this mechanism is not meant to be used regularly, but current experience shows that it actually works. It was not used in the first year of its operation, but it was used in the 2014-15 financial year, with 75% of providers by share of supply making an objection. The reason they objected was that the tariff changes made, particularly for specialist services, would have an enormously negative impact on the providers of those services and, by definition, on the specialist services themselves.
My Lords, perhaps I might start by suggesting to the Minister that this is another example of why the NHS might be unsustainable and that we probably need an independent commission to look at the whole of the NHS. I realise that neither he nor the Opposition Front Bench are likely to agree with me on that, but I make the point that this is yet another nail in the coffin, so to speak, which will get us to that end some day.
I find myself in agreement with some of the things that the noble Lord, Lord Hunt, has just said. We have an example here of where raising the tariff to 66% actually means ruling out the ability of the providers to engage in any kind of discussions relating to the tariff because the target is too high. If that is the case and the providers are therefore not able to engage with NHS England and Monitor, which sets the tariffs, what other mechanisms do they have? They cannot see the proposed tariffs until the consultation occurs, which is rather too late for them even to road test whether the tariffs are likely to be workable—particularly if they involve, for instance, any implications on pensions or proposals that the Government may have brought about pay deals, or any other issues that may impact on the cost. So how is the provider likely to get any input at an early stage and engage with the tariff-setting mechanism? There will be no such input, I suggest, through these proposals, which will make it impossible. They will therefore have to live with the tariff.
I realise that the big providers might be able to do that, because they might save some money from other aspects, but let us take the specialist providers. We can particularly imagine this in paediatrics and with some cancers, where providers work on small margins and the costs may escalate. Because of a few patients having highly complex issues, costs can overrun. That is why the top-up fees of some £300 million were introduced, 70% of which go to paediatric specialist services. Now the proposal is to remove those or reduce them considerably. In paediatrics, the top-up might go down from £217 million to £95 million. So these specialist providers have a choice: either to provide poor-quality service, which impacts on the patients, or to opt out. Who will then suffer? It will be not the commissioners, NHS England or Monitor but the patients—because they will not have a service or will have a poor-quality service.
I agree with the noble Lord, Lord Hunt, that there needs to be some kind of mechanism where there is early involvement of the providers, which can engage in the tariff-setting mechanism. They would not necessarily dictate it; they might disagree with it but suggest some proposals. One of the ways, as he suggests, would be a stakeholder forum involving all the parties at an early stage. The Department of Health can then have some accountability from all the people in the stakeholder forum, including the providers. I am attracted to that suggestion, and I hope the Minister will respond to it.
The Minister responding in the other place sounded sympathetic—or at least suggested that he understood the issues. I hope that we can go further today and that the Minister will say that it sounds attractive and that he might look at it.
My Lords, I start by thanking the Minister for his briefing yesterday, which I found very helpful. I also declare a forthcoming interest in that I shall shortly be chairing a short-term commission to consider the approach to commissioning specialised services, which will report next April. That may well, in the light of the debate this evening, have some fairly uncomfortable things to say about the commissioning of these services in today’s financially straitened NHS. It is very difficult to argue technically with the points made by my former noble friend—still my noble friend—the noble Lord, Lord Hunt, about this set of regulations, but in a sense that misses the bigger point raised by the noble Lord, Lord Patel.
I express my sympathy for the Minister. He is, to all intents and purposes, between a rock and a very hard place. He has to operate within the extremely clunky system provided for setting the tariff for specialist services in the Health and Social Care Act 2012—which, if I may say so, is one of the less distinguished pieces of legislation passed by Parliament. Trying to set a tariff using a system of objection thresholds is a somewhat bizarre way of doing it, even by the standards of the 2012 Act. That so-called new transparent system for reconciling the needs of commissioners and providers has clearly not worked. It is very difficult to see it working, not least because we end up leaving the decision on the tariff right up close to the start of the next financial year. If we want a five-year plan for reforming the NHS, that is about the daftest way to go about setting a national tariff. I understand why no one wants to go back to the 2012 Act and revise part of it but it is pretty bizarre, in a fast-changing world, to set the detail of how you negotiate the tariff in primary legislation. That is a fundamental flaw which we are now struggling with, as a result of that legislation. That is why we are getting into this tangle over the technicalities of this set of regulations.
If I was still the Minister trying to set acute hospital tariffs at a time of tight NHS finance and, at the same time, trying to prioritise community health services and mental health—as the Minister rightly suggests people are trying to do—I would probably be doing the same thing as the Minister, stuck as he is with this piece of legislation. I might even, if I was feeling particularly crotchety, go for 75% instead of 66%. But that is the fault of the system we have landed ourselves with, not because of a devious NHS England, devious Ministers or a devious Department of Health. We need to get to a different system. NHS providers have opened up some issues to talk about. It is certainly very difficult, in today’s age, to argue with the idea of a more open-book approach. But it also requires the open-book approach to take place further back down the food chain, before we get close to the beginning of the financial year. That is the only way these specialised services can look ahead.
It is true when I look back on my time as a Minister —this is where I start to part company with the noble Lord, Lord Hunt—that there is a pretty strong track record of the big NHS acute hospital providers having everything their own way. Even when, as a Minister, I said that the commissioner’s view should determine the outcome, those providers went on pushing and pushing, way up to and past the start of the new financial year. Of course, I am not talking about trusts chaired by the noble Lord, Lord Hunt—I am sure nothing like that ever happened in Birmingham. However, let us be clear, that is how some of the big London providers, in particular, behave—not in our second city, of course; heaven forbid.
There is a long history, then, of big providers pushing the envelope on the price for the job and weak commissioners being unable to stand up to them and deal with them. We now move to a situation where that problem must be tackled, and quickly. We can quibble about the technicalities of the way NHS England and Monitor have handled this episode, but it does not get away from the point that the Minister made: at the end of the day, these guys and girls have to make the decision. They have to decide on a canvas that is much bigger than that being painted by the acute hospital sector.
We should be a bit more forgiving towards the Minister on that. It takes a bit of bottle to say that we are going to put more money into community services and give more money and parity of esteem to mental health, even in a difficult financial climate. That means taking some fairly tough decisions about how much of the collective resources you put into acute hospitals and specialised services. This is where commissioning must play its part. It may mean that we want a smaller number of providers for some of those service lines; it may mean that we have to concentrate them.
NHS providers may not have realised that an open-book approach means that we start to find out more about those who are less productive or effective. I hope the Minister will listen to some of those ideas, particularly the points made by the noble Lord, Lord Hunt, at the end of his speech and by the noble Lord, Lord Patel. We have a clunky system and we need to change how we set the tariff if we really want to deliver the vision in the Five Year Forward View. I hope the Minister will respond positively to some of those ideas for a new approach.
My Lords, I must first apologise to the Minister for not appearing at his briefing yesterday and for coming late to his initial remarks. That will not stop me speaking, if I may.
The regulations are clearly designed to save money. They have little to do with correcting what is a major underlying defect in the tariff system: the perverse incentives that tariffs have introduced. My noble friend Lord Hunt has dealt pretty well with how the regulations were aimed at raising the threshold at which objections can be raised and, equally importantly, levelling the playing field to allow small providers with limited budgets to have the same voting power as very large teaching hospitals with billion-pound budgets, which provide more than 95% of the service. It is rather like non-league football clubs and those in the Premier League having the same voice in their commercial activities. The problem is that, to get 66% of all organisations, including all the small ones, puts those trusts that provide more than 90% of the service in hock to those who provide less than 10%. So it is not much wonder that the highly specialised hospitals—the Marsden and Great Ormond Street, the Institute of Neurology, the Christie hospital and so on—are voicing strong concerns about the impact on them. Of course, that is why the Government want to shackle them—to keep costs down—but that is at the risk of denying high-quality specialised care to those who need it.
All that has been well rehearsed by my noble friend Lord Hunt and other noble Lords. I really wanted to point out that the regulations do nothing to get round the unintended consequences and perverse incentives of the tariff system, which I raised with the Minister in a previous debate. That system encourages trusts to go down the route of using devices to gain higher incomes and discourages cross-referral between specialists within a hospital when a trust can gain two fees for two referrals from general practice. It discourages consultants from using phone-in follow-up out-patient clinics to save patients the need to travel in to be seen, as a visit to a hospital incurs a higher fee on the tariff. I agree with the noble Lord, Lord Warner, as he rails against the acute hospitals, but I do not necessarily agree with all his solutions.
I support my noble friend’s amendment. The regulations are unwarranted and damage those who provide the vast majority of the service, while doing nothing to get at one of the major defects in the tariff system.
My Lords, I declare my interest as chairman of University College London Partners, an academic health science centre which has a number of important providers. The Minister made a very important point about the five-year forward view and the need to encourage new models of care working that ensure collaboration beyond institutional boundaries —and, indeed, to go further and look at new models of funding, including those of accountable care organisations. With a view to a potential journey towards more effective commissioning, and therefore more intuitive constructing of a tariff to support general acute services and more specialised services, will the proposals that the Minister brings to the House today aid that journey? Will looking at these regulations in the way proposed help institutions to work more effectively together, recognising the opportunity to look at tariffs that focus on pathways of care rather than individual segments of care, so ensuring the Government’s objective to ensure that valuable resources committed to the provision of healthcare are used most efficiently? There is a recognition that there will have to be greater attention to these matters as we go forward, and every opportunity should be used to ensure that that objective is achieved. One of the most important is the approach to setting the tariff and, therefore, these regulations.
My Lords, as always in these debates, we have had some pertinent and useful contributions. I shall take some of the points raised in reverse order. On the very important point raised by the noble Lord, Lord Kakkar, a profound change is happening in how we will deliver care over the next five years, which will be very much more based around a system rather than the institution. I think that the noble Lord, Lord Hunt, would agree with that; we will move from a payment-by-results system that has been very much based around individual pieces of care delivered in acute hospitals, to other payments systems, such as a capitation system or a whole pathway system. That is going to happen.
My Lords, I am very grateful to all noble Lords who have taken part in this interesting debate. We perhaps went rather wider than the terms of the regulations. I agree with the Minister that payment by results was brought in essentially to drive through reductions in waiting times by providing the right incentives. By and large that has been very successful, but we are moving, and this is a very good thing, into thinking about systems and how they work. There is a clear need to develop a funding mechanism to ensure that there are proper incentives for system-wide working, and I absolutely agree with that.
However, I also agree with the noble Lord, Lord Warner, my fellow former Minister. Looking at the Five Year Forward View, it seems to me that essentially we are moving again to a planning model but we are still stuck with the 2012 Act, and the two do not seem to mesh together. The Minister is struggling with these regulations because they are trying to operate a system that is still based on payment by results, when in essence we are trying to incentivise people to work together to produce a much more effective system and that is very difficult. If he were to tell me that the NHS amendment Act was to be brought forward, I think he would find a warm welcome in your Lordships’ House, but perhaps I dream too far.
I say to the noble Lord, Lord Patel, that I do not disagree at all with his idea of an independent commission; the funding challenges facing health and social care warrant that kind of independent consideration. I say to him, though, that all the work done by the King’s Fund and the Nuffield Trust suggests that if you could maintain real-terms growth at 4% a year, which is the historic annual real-terms growth of the NHS, we would get a pretty good system without some of the pressures that we are facing at the moment. It is not a question of having to increase money to the NHS and social care hugely, but it needs some increase or we will be faced with the kind of problems that we have at the moment. The Barker commission, which was sponsored by the King’s Fund, shows some of the thinking that one might ask a royal commission to go into.
My noble friend Lord Turnberg mentioned the particular challenges of highly specialist providers, which of course are very much tied into the area that he knows so well: our whole R&D effort in this country and the link with the life sciences. While I understand the language of domination by specialist providers, we need to recognise that the link that these very same providers have with R&D and the life sciences is crucial to this country and to the lead that we often have in these areas. We have to be very careful not to undermine their financial viability because of the general financial challenge.
I am delighted that the noble Lord, Lord Warner, is working on, chairing or leading this work on specialised services, and I am sure he is right that we need to have much more effective commissioning. I certainly accept that that is likely to lead to a rationalisation of specialised services, which will not be universally popular. However, if we can show that by doing so we get more bang for our buck, getting better specialist services, and that they are a better investment, clearly, that has to be followed through. I hope that we will see the outcome of that work within the next few months.
I have no problem at all with putting more resources into mental health and community services—I entirely understand that. However, the regulations are a pretty poor show, and in effect disfranchising the providers, who get 96% of the tariff income, is not the way to go forward. However, I am very grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Prior, for what he said. I take his commitment to rebuilding the confidence, as he described it, of providers in the system, as a very strong one. He did not quite go as far as I would have wished with regard to endorsing the open book approach. Does that mean that that is still being considered, or has it been rejected? Can I take anything from that?
I will have to defer to Jim Mackey, the chief executive of NHS Improvement. It would not be fair for me to answer that question.
I am sure of that, my Lords. I will just say to the Minister that I hope the spirit of this debate will be conveyed to him and NHS Improvement. I certainly have been very impressed by the chief executive’s words since his appointment, and of course the chairman, Ed Smith, commands great respect and authority, not least for the work he has done on behalf of Birmingham University, for which those of us in the city are very grateful.
With that, I thank all noble Lords who have spoken. The point has been made, we look forward to a better approach in the future, and I hope that the spirit of the proposal regarding early consultation and an open book process will be acceded to. I beg leave to withdraw my amendment to the Motion.