(1 year, 5 months ago)
Public Bill CommitteesI am pleased to speak to amendment 116, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Pontypridd and me. I will also touch on amendment 125, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Bermondsey and Old Southwark. They are similar provisions, and he will want to make his own arguments for amendment 125.
Amendment 116 adds the practice of commissioning fake reviews, offering to provide the service of writing fake reviews, and displaying consumer reviews without taking reasonable steps to verify their accuracy to the list of unfair commercial practices. Amendment 125 would similarly add fake reviews to the list of banned practices. We support both the amendments, but I will speak to amendment 116 in more detail, as it provides a more comprehensive legislative basis for banning fake reviews, and was recommended by the consumer group Which?.
When the Bill was published, the Government announced with much fanfare that they would introduce provisions banning the unfair commercial practice of fake reviews. However, nowhere in the Bill is there any measure that bans fake reviews. The supposed banning of fake reviews can be found in clause 234, which gives the Secretary of State the power to add to the list of banned practices. Unless the Minister corrects me, all we have is a promise from the Government that at some point in the future—beyond 2025—fake reviews might be banned. As Which? said during the Committee’s evidence sessions,
“We do not think that we should wait. Clearly, fake reviews are harmful, so the buying, selling and hosting of fake reviews should be included in schedule 18.”––[Official Report, Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Public Bill Committee, 13 June 2023; c. 13, Q16.]
It was not just consumer groups that expressed that sentiment; the British Retail Consortium also stated:
“We are concerned about fake reviews. We support the banning of them. We wish that what the Government propose for them was on the face of the Bill.”––[Official Report, Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Public Bill Committee, 13 June 2023; c. 49, Q78.]
I would be grateful for the Minister’s explanation of why the Government have left a ban out of primary legislation. One view is that the Government intended to include a ban, but ran out of time. Well, we have time to catch up during the passage of the Bill. Retail and consumer groups consider this measure very much noticeable by its absence, and it is important and significant that we address it during the passage of the Bill.
I have no doubt that the Minister will stress the need for further work and consultation on the issue. If so, perhaps he could also reflect on the considerable evidence of consumer detriment caused by fake reviews. Which? research from 2020 found that consumers are far more than twice as likely to buy poor-quality products that have been boosted by fake reviews. That affects the Minister’s constituents, mine, and those of every Member of this Committee.
As the CMA has noted, the average UK household spends £900 a year as a result of being influenced by online reviews. That demonstrates how significant the financial damage of fake reviews can be. In the Department for Business and Trade’s research from April this year, 11% to 15% of reviews in the category that it assessed were fake. That is the Government’s own research. The evidence is clear: action on fake reviews is needed now to protect consumers from their negative consequences. I would go so far as to say that the Opposition are doing the Government a favour by introducing these amendments. We have done the Government’s work for them.
I urge the Minister to support the amendments. Perhaps he will want to bring forward his own, as the Government are known to take good ideas when they see them, many of which they take from the Opposition. We understand that there has been significant dysfunction in Government, which may have got in the way of their doing the work that the country needs them to do. I therefore urge the Minister to support the amendments. He may also want to bring forward his own amendments at a future stage of the Bill or in the other place. I jest, with good reason, but we are not precious; we just want the right thing to be done. I hope that in his response, the Minister will confirm what action the Government will take during the passage of the Bill.
I very much support amendment 116, to the extent that I withdrew my attempt at an amendment that would have countered fake reviews. It is clear that fake reviews are a matter of real concern, not just for reputable companies, but for consumers, who like to rely on customer feedback before making some of their most important financial choices. Schedule 18 defines and sets out unfair practices, and it is only right that fake reviews be added to them. We again come back to the fundamental principle that if a market is to work effectively and efficiently, people need access to timely and accurate information. That goal of having accurate information in the marketplace is subverted considerably when fake information and misinformation are allowed to abound.
Under clause 224, as the Minister says, the consumer will be able to enforce their right to redress relating to unfair commercial practices, subject to conditions, including that they have entered into a relevant contract, that the trader has engaged in a prohibited practice, that the prohibited practice was a significant factor in the consumer’s decision to make payment, and that the product concerned is not of an excluded type. Those are important provisions, including in the context of our debate about greenwashing. That is why it is important that we take forward the issues we have debated. None the less, we welcome the clause and these important provisions.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 224 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 225
Rights of redress: further provision
I beg to move amendment 67, in clause 225, page 152, line 30, at end insert—
“(4A) The Secretary of State must by regulations make any further provision necessary to ensure that the rights of redress available under this Chapter are equivalent to, and not lesser than, those available under the Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading Regulations 2008 (S.I. 2008/1277).”
This amendment seeks to ensure that the “Consumer Rights to Redress” that will be set out through secondary legislation cannot offer a reduced level of the protection than the Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading Regulations 2008.
As the explanatory statement sets out, amendment 67 seeks to ensure that the consumer rights to redress introduced through secondary legislation by Ministers cannot offer less protection than the Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading Regulations 2008. That statutory instrument was effectively the successor to the Trade Descriptions Act 1968 and was designed to implement the unfair commercial practices directive as part of a common set of European minimum standards for consumer protection. Consumers, not just in Europe but throughout the UK, have benefited immensely from those protections. It is important as a point of principle that as legislation is repealed or evolves, there should be no inadvertent reduction in baseline consumer protections. There should be a reduction in consumer protections only where the Government deliberately choose to do so and we have an open debate.
The amendment is very much about ensuring that nothing slips down the drain inadvertently in terms of consumer protection. If the Government are not minded to accept it, what existing protections will they unwittingly let fall by the wayside? The amendment would capture the baseline level of protection through future secondary legislation. I look forward to the Minister’s remarks.
I am pleased to speak to amendment 114, which stands in my name and that of my hon. Friend the Member for Pontypridd. I will also make reference to amendment 67, tabled by the hon. Member for Gordon.
Amendment 114 would require that the Secretary of State prepare and lay before Parliament a report on the merits of introducing a consumer right to individual and collective redress through secondary legislation, as is the case in EU member states. Amendment 67 would ensure that the consumer rights to redress set out in secondary legislation cannot offer less protection than the Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading Regulations 2008. We support the principle of amendment 67, which would have a similar effect to amendment 114 by ensuring a more robust consumer right to redress.
More specifically on amendment 114, I refer the Minister to the written evidence of Which?, which notes that
“the Bill states that ‘Consumer Rights to Redress’ may be provided for in future secondary legislation, so it will give the Secretary of State powers to amend these rights. These rights are fundamentally important, as they include payment of damages when a trader misleads a consumer. We want assurances that they will not be downgraded as a result of this process, and a commitment from the Government to strengthen redress procedures when these new regulations are drafted.”
Amendment 114 would require a commitment from the Government to report on doing that, aiding the process of strengthening redress procedures when new regulations are drafted. I urge the Government to support amendments 114 and 67, and to ensure that consumer rights to redress are as strong as they can be, particularly in an increasingly digital economy.
(3 years, 2 months ago)
General CommitteesIt is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Dr Huq. May I thank the Minister for his opening remarks? I would be grateful to him if he could respond to some of my questions, either in response today or in writing. I want to know which business organisations the Minister spoke to before deciding to move forward with the tapering as it is and as proposed by the Government. How will he keep the measure under review? It is both an extension of some support and a withdrawal of other support in the way that it has been tapered, and I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Rhondda for the point he made in relation to that.
We believe that it is right to maintain restrictions on serving winding-up petitions under schedule 10 to the Corporate Insolvency and Governance Act 2020. It is vital that businesses that have sustained pressure during the last 18 months are supported right through to the end of the pandemic. We acknowledge and welcome the raised limit, and at least there is considerable protection for small businesses with debts below £10,000. That is important and is in line with the measures that we have called for since June, when other support was withdrawn, to ensure that there are effective ways to deal with debt through the period of recovery, so that we do not see the loss of viable businesses that are allowed to fail because of the impact of covid-19.
Let us face it: covid-19 is not over yet, and there is still uncertainty about what might happen going forward and whether there will be further restrictions. It is important that the Government make it clear to Parliament how there will be flexibility in relation to business support that will be in line with potentially changing health measures. In this context, the pressures facing businesses this winter must be taken into account as the Government keep the measure under review.
The challenges are numerous: rising energy prices, the Government’s supply chain crisis, price inflation and consumer confidence declining to its lowest level since April, compounded further by the Government’s cruel decision to cut universal credit for 6 million families. Why does that matter? Let me take my constituency as an example, with 18,000 households affected and £18 million coming out of the local economy—£18 million that would be spent largely in local shops. There is a relationship between the choices being made on cuts to universal credit and the support that there will be for small businesses as household income reduces, as people are able to spend less on looking after their families, which they do largely in community businesses.
This is a time when businesses should be experiencing their golden quarter—the quarter leading up to Christmas, when they can make the majority of their profits for the year in order to address the debt that they may have accrued during the periods before—but many businesses will still be fighting for their survival and having to respond to one crisis after another. I am sure that the Minister has received representations from affected businesses. I can state one example of a business that told me it had to refund £8,000-worth of customer purchases a month ago because the goods were not going to arrive due to the supply chain crisis.
This is affecting businesses up and down the country. The last two quarters have also seen more than 100,000 business deaths in each quarter—more than in any other subsequent quarters in the recent past. Without a more robust response, quarter 4 of 2021 and quarter 1 of next year will be worse. Against this backdrop, it is no wonder that business groups, including the Federation of Small Businesses, have warned of falling business confidence. The cash liquidity crisis, which is also facing various sectors of the economy, from aviation to retail and leisure, will continue well into 2022. It is important for us not to just assume and want to believe that things were suddenly magically better from July onwards, because a lot of the uncertainty remains.
That brings us to the extension of the restrictions, even with the tapering, which we do support, as we did last month with the extensions that we debated then. First, with regard to the two-day gap that was created by the initial version of this instrument, how many businesses were issued with winding-up orders on 29 and 30 September? Does the Minister have those figures? Will those businesses now benefit from the protections that they should have had?
Last time, we also noted our concern that the Government were legislating for businesses to be protected from eviction but not rent-induced liquidation. The Minister then spoke of legislation being introduced to support the resolution of commercial rent arrears for tenants that were affected by the restrictions during the pandemic. What is the status of that? Rent debt will remain an anvil around the necks of many businesses, particularly those in the hospitality and retail sectors, which have been impacted—sometimes most—by the pandemic.
That can also be the case in areas of tourism that were very significantly impacted. Some of that picked up this summer, but aviation has seen a very stuttering recovery. In relation to the aviation supply chain across the country, which includes hundreds of thousands of businesses, the Minister will know that there is still huge uncertainty as international travel and even domestic travel are still recovering. It is estimated that the hospitality sector alone is facing billions of pounds of rent debt.
Therefore, when it comes to lifting the measure of support, along with the business rate and VAT reductions and the eviction restrictions, much of which will happen in March, this could well lead to a real risk of a cliff-edge scenario for businesses, particularly those that have been hit hardest by the pandemic and are not in those sectors that are recovering more quickly. The tail of the recovery is set to continue well into next year and even the year after, so what assessment is being made of what the additional support might be and how that can be tailored to deal with the slower recovery of particular sectors?
Will the Minister also provide an update on the arbitration process that, I think, has been brought forward? On the detail of that in relation to rent arrears, I would be grateful for an update.
I will express just a few concerns about today’s SI. The legislation note describes the process, which the Minister outlined, of notice needing to be given, 21 days of consultation, and allowing a response from the debtor to then be taken into account. What happens if, unreasonably, the creditor does not wish to accept the proposal? Would that then be for the courts to decide? Could any court fees then be payable? If the debtor does not win the case against them, will they then be having to pay court fees as well? Perhaps the Minister can provide clarification, because I am not sure of the detail of that.
Could the Minister clarify one point? If the 21 days begins just a few days before the measures are due to end in March of next year, what does that mean for any of the disagreements going through between a creditor and a debtor? Will the 21 days that might start before the end of these provisions continue with those rights secured?
People may be concerned about their business, which might otherwise be viable but has been hit by covid and the continuing uncertainty over recovery. What are the Government doing to ensure that those who are concerned about the ending of the temporary insolvency measures seek effective early advice? I agree with R3 that businesses that seek advice early often have the best options open to them and the best advice to make decisions about their next steps. That often results in a more favourable outcome than if those businesses had waited and let problems spiral. What are the Government doing to make businesses aware of such advice? That may mean the involvement of grassroots business organisations.
If the Government are forced to introduce new measures this winter as a result of a health crisis that restricts business operations, will they review those measures and amend them as required? At a time when businesses need us most, the House should focus on how we support businesses not just to survive but to recover and thrive. They will be looking to us to make sure that support is not removed from businesses prematurely. That would have a catastrophic impact on businesses, high streets and communities across the country.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Dr Huq.
The Scottish National party is happy to support the regulations but with a note of caution. If we allow a company to continue to trade in the circumstances outlined, we must be mindful of the potential impact that may have down the line on the cash flow of other companies that are not protected and may find their own position weakened. It is also important to recognise the limitations of the insolvency Act, because of itself it does very little to support indebted firms to insulate themselves from the impact of rising prices elsewhere in the economy, particularly in the months ahead. It is certainly no substitute in economic terms for the stimulation of overall aggregate demand and finding ways to reduce business outgoings in other ways.
I will be brief because there is a much, much bigger economic event happening later today, and I am certain that there are at least one or two dots and commas that have not been pre-trailed to the press that we will all be desperate to find out about. I wait in hope rather than in any great expectation, but we will see what develops. What the Chancellor should be doing is delivering the full £350 billion of coronavirus business interruption loan scheme support to the businesses that need it. That needs to happen. For those businesses that are in genuine difficulty those loans should be converted to grants. If the Chancellor does that this afternoon, he may find that the measures in the regulations before us this morning will be needed much less frequently than they might otherwise be in the months ahead. But those months are bound to be extremely difficult on a number of fronts for families, individuals and businesses.