Fuel Prices

Debate between Rosie Cooper and Tom Blenkinsop

Tuesday 15th November 2011 Commons Chamber

[Rosie Cooper]

I do indeed, because the general public are simply not interested in any more words, any more knockabout, or any more “he said, she said”. They have signed up in their thousands for action to reduce the cost of fuel and its impact on families and businesses. Study after study shows that transport is integral to an individual’s ability to access employment opportunities and to take part in social and cultural activities. For many people, access to transport is the difference between social exclusion and social inclusion. I could give examples from my West Lancashire constituency that illustrate that the cost of fuel has a significant impact on people, whether they live in urban or rural areas.

The sixties town of Skelmersdale was designed with the car as king. There is no railway station or pavement system to allow people to walk across town, and public transport services are limited. That means that residents rely on their car to get to work and to get around. In many cases, workers are forced to use taxis to travel to work, and if fuel costs increase, residents in those hard-pressed areas must decide whether travelling to work is financially viable.

[Tom Blenkinsop]

Is my hon. Friend concerned, as I am, that the policy of the Department for Work and Pensions of forcing unemployed people to look for work within a radius of 90 miles might be undermined by the fact that fuel costs are so high?

[Rosie Cooper]

In my constituency, to be forced to look for work within 9 miles is darn near impossible because there is no transport infrastructure.

Health and Social Care (Re-committed) Bill

Debate between Rosie Cooper and Tom Blenkinsop

Tuesday 6th September 2011 Commons Chamber

[Rosie Cooper]

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. You will forgive me; my lip reading was obviously slightly wrong. He looked as if he was trying to tell me something, and I hoped that it might be the answer.

In all such situations I always say, “Follow the money.” What is actually going to happen? If this is costing a lot of money—there is a lot of muddle—it has to be really clear that the driver of the reforms cannot be, as the Secretary of State has previously said, the idea that the NHS is unaffordable; we seem to be able to afford a lot of other things. If the reason is not financial efficiency, it has to be purely ideological.

I understand that 85% of respondents to the NHS Confederation survey were very clear: the hardest job that they could have is to deliver both NHS changes and savings simultaneously. That makes it harder for them to deliver objectives for improving efficiency and quality—but that is what I am told that Government Members are all about; the Bill is supposed to improve efficiency and quality.

Who is going to deliver the health care? The Royal College of Nursing suggests that 27,000 front-line jobs, equivalent to nine Alder Hey children’s hospitals, will disappear. I asked the NHS Confederation whether we would see hospital closures, and it is clear that we will; we are seeing that in various reports. The Bill is three times longer than the Act that created the NHS, and it leaves more questions than answers. I say to the Government that if they believe that the great British public will be fooled by any of this, they are sadly wrong.

I do not normally make personal statements about anybody, but Roy Lilley, a former NHS professional, writes a blog in which he refers to the Secretary of State as “LaLa”; I am sure the Secretary of State has seen it. I have been hearing “La la” all afternoon. This is just nonsense. Just because the Secretary of State or the Tory party says that the world is square, that does not mean that it is. They are insulting the public if they think that they will go along with them.

Monitor makes decisions about the future sustainability of individual services and the patterns of local health services under the failure regime. It is unclear how those decisions would be made, and how and to whom Monitor is accountable. Technically it is an independent body and it should be responsible to Parliament and the Secretary of State, but perhaps the Secretary of State will clarify that.

As the economic regulator, Monitor is given a whole series of powers that ultimately focus on enforcing competition in the NHS. There are still fundamental gaps in how that organisation will be held to account. There is a lack of clarity about how health services can engage with and influence the work of Monitor. Having been chair of a foundation trust hospital, albeit only for a month—because I stood for Parliament and had to resign—I can say that Monitor was a law unto itself. And before the Health Committee, Monitor likened the NHS to utility companies, which does not give me any confidence whatever.

I want to talk about Monitor not consulting commissioners on changes to enhance tariff. Private providers can apply to Monitor for an enhanced tariff to preserve the services that they, as private businesses, are providing to the NHS.

[Tom Blenkinsop]

One essential point that we have to raise about Monitor is that it is a replica of an economic regulator of the utilities. The four to six companies in the energy sector have just raised gas prices by 18% and electricity by 11%. How does my hon. Friend think Monitor will be able to cope with private companies and health?

[Rosie Cooper]

I would suggest that it is a failing model, and not one that we should be looking at.

I should like to look at the idea of risk pooling, in which Monitor will have a role. Monitor will be required to top-slice the budgets of foundation trust hospitals to obtain that pool of money. The problem is that if the trust is already in financial difficulty, the fact that Monitor needs to top-slice the FT hospital’s budget could tip it into being unsustainable, and then Monitor would have to act. Does that not seem back to front? It needs looking at. If the foundation trust is unsustainable, Monitor has a duty to take action, yet Monitor may well have precipitated the situation; there seems to be a conflict at the core of that relationship. There is no clarity about how top-slicing will be calculated, or what it will involve. Will the Secretary of State please comment on that?

I shall bring my comments to a close with a quotation that I used in a speech I gave a while ago. In “This Week”, Michael Portillo was asked by Andrew Neil why the Government had not told us before the general election about their plans for the NHS. He replied:

“Because they didn’t believe they could win the election if they told you”—

the public—

“what they were going to do. People are so wedded to the NHS. It’s the nearest thing we have to a national religion—a sacred cow.”

He could not have been more clear. The Government intended to misrepresent their position and mislead voters. I believe that this is the latest stage of that misrepresentation, and the Government must be held to account if they force the Bill through in its current form.