(13 years, 8 months ago)
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It is a pleasure, Miss Clark, to join under your chairmanship this debate on my favourite subject, the Select Committee on Public Accounts, along with the right hon. Member for Barking (Margaret Hodge) and other Committee members, as well as one of my favourite Ministers, the Under-Secretary of State for Health, my hon. Friend the Member for Guildford (Anne Milton). This three-hour debate is sparsely attended. I was a little worried that we might not fill the time, but then I reflected on the old maxim by Fidel Castro that a speech less than three hours long cannot possibly do anyone any good. Although I will not take off my jacket, I am prepared to be expansive should the need arise.
To be serious, although I do not plan to take up too much time, I think that the report is valuable. It points to something much broader than the single issue of health inequality, although that is an interesting and important issue. We begin our report by pointing out that in 1997, the new Labour Government announced that they would put reducing health inequalities at the heart of tackling the root causes of ill health. That was stated as a clear policy—it is not particularly politically controversial; most people would support it—yet many years later, here we are.
When my right hon. Friend the Work and Pensions Secretary was in opposition and doing a lot of work with his think tank, the Centre for Social Justice, he drew attention to health inequalities in Scotland. They are, strictly speaking, outside the terms of our report, but many people were shocked to learn—Scottish MPs probably knew this, but I did not—that the life expectancy in parts of Glasgow is lower than in the Gaza strip. My right hon. Friend did a lot of work on that issue in opposition, and he is now in a position in the Department for Work and Pensions to help others, including my hon. Friend the Minister, do something about it.
The issues are difficult and vexing, but they are not massively politically controversial, although the report shows that the gap between asserting the intention to do something and actually delivering it is often huge. That is the experience I have had many times in many different areas during the 10 years I have served on the Committee. Often, when Ministers are expanding on any number of subjects, my hon. Friends talk as if everything will be okay, just because it is our political party that is now discussing these things. When the Government make announcements of any kind, I think that, in a few years, we will be getting a National Audit Office report about all the things they forgot to do, all the things that went wrong and the eight common causes of project failure that they failed to observe.
My attention was drawn to a comment by the new hon. Member for Walthamstow (Stella Creasy), who is a new member of the Committee. She brings a lot of extra intellectual firepower to the Committee; indeed, she has a PhD from the London School of Economics. My right hon. Friend the Member for Barking—I will call her my right hon. Friend in this case—and I are also alumni of that fine institution. I believe, however, that the hon. Lady did not pay a large management consultancy to do her fieldwork for her, in the way that this morning’s newspapers say Saif al-Islam did. That aside, she said in a recent debate:
“Governments should not just start projects or policies—the public expect them to be able to finish them too. Essentially, implementation is as important as ideology in politics.”—[Official Report, 16 December 2010; Vol. 520, c. 1134.]
The interesting thing is that we are not even talking about an area where ideology is that important. There is general agreement that changes would be a good thing, but it has still proved extraordinarily difficult to make the progress that we would all like.
The report is divided into three sections. We started by looking at the weaknesses in the approach taken by the previous Government. One of the most shocking things for me was that, in a period when life expectancy overall has improved, the gap between the national average and what we term the spearhead areas has actually widened, as the right hon. Lady said. Under the previous Government’s approach, more than half the local authority wards in the bottom fifth for life expectancy were outside the spearheads, so there was not the slightest chance they would be covered, even though they had some of the worst figures. In fairness, the Department has recognised that its targeting and leadership were not adequate and that it was slow to put in place the right priorities.
There is considerable scope for the Department to take further the model of a national clinical director, which has been applied with considerable—I will not say unqualified—success to areas such as the cancer reform strategy. As the right hon. Lady said, we took evidence on that strategy and published a report on it this week, and it showed, in addition to some success and improvements, that there were still quite shocking variations. For example, there was an eightfold variation in the preparedness of GPs—I nearly said MPs, as well—to refer patients to cancer specialists, and that variation cannot be explained by socio-economic factors. In that respect, we had a fascinating hearing earlier this week with, among others, the King’s Fund, the chair of the Royal College of General Practitioners and a general practitioner running a consortium covering 180,000 patients in Essex. The fact that they took quite different views of the Government’s proposed reforms and GP consortia led to a fruitful dialogue, and the process of creative tension and debate meant that we got quite a lot of extra information that we might not have got if all the witnesses had believed and said the same thing.
It is clear that there were weaknesses in the approach that was taken, and I would like to hear more from the Minister about what proposals the Government have to make specific improvements and whether the idea of a clinical director should be taken further. I say that especially in the context of pushing public health budgets out to local authorities, because there will potentially be more stools for things to fall between. The Department of Health will presumably drive any national clinical director programme, but the influencing will be done with people in local authorities.
The second issue that the report looked at was the role of general practitioners. The hon. Member for Blaenau Gwent (Nick Smith) is right that, according to the Department, the GP contract does not give GPs enough of an incentive to focus on the neediest groups, although part of me wonders why there should need to be an incentive. I know from my experience of talking to GPs that people who go into medicine and general practice take a very holistic approach to their patient group. They will ask some patients to come in once every three or four weeks for no other reason than to keep an eye on them. They are fearful for such patients because they come from certain socio-economic groups and probably need an extra eye kept on them. However, let us take it at face value that the Department believes that the GP contract in its present form is not adequate.
I am struck by the hon. Gentleman’s point about GPs. Every GP I have met absolutely throws themselves into their job, and, with very few exceptions, usually does a fantastic job. However, after the evidence session, I could not help thinking that people will do what we pay them to do. If we get the incentives right and we are clear about the targets and the benefits of the activity that the Department, health board or primary care trust has emphasised, we will get better results. We need GPs absolutely to focus on the important topic before us.
That is right: people will do what they are paid to do. One criticism I have also heard is that the more we treat people like employees, the more they will behave like employees. In recent years, a lot of GPs have felt more bossed around, so they act like employees, rather than people who are running their own organisations.