Renters’ Rights Bill

Lord Truscott Excerpts

Tuesday 1st July 2025 Lords Chamber

Under English contract law, it is the right of any two, three or four parties—whatever the number of contractors —to agree what they like, provided that the contract is a lawful contract. It is therefore quite wrong for the state to jump in and say, “You can’t do that because we don’t like fixed-term tenancies”. This is a fundamental breach of English contract law. In Committee on a similar amendment, noble Lords made several arguments that short-term tenancies benefit the letting market, and I am very happy to adopt all those arguments— I remember the noble Lord, Lord Jackson, was very active on this issue in Committee. But my principal argument is that, under English contract law, parties if they wish are entitled to create fixed-term tenancies and the state has no right to interfere. I beg to move.

[Lord Truscott (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, I support Amendment 1 in the names of the noble Lord, Lord Hacking, the noble Baroness, Lady Scott of Bybrook, and the noble Lord, Lord Jamieson. As mentioned previously, I have an interest as a landlord of over two decades, and as a former renter in the private rented sector for some 16 years, I have a combined experience in the PRS of 40 years.

The amendment before your Lordships’ House would allow a tenant and landlord to mutually agree a fixed term, as we have just heard, while restricting the landlord’s ability to regain possession of a tenanted property. It would further mean that the landlord would not be able to increase the rent over the period of the fixed term. Very many tenants would welcome such agreements and the increased security it would give them. Under the proposed periodic tenancies, after 12 months tenants would have no security as the landlord can seek possession on a number of grounds.

Polls have shown that a majority of tenants and landlords want to have fixed terms, and His Majesty’s Government have given no reason why they think they know best. The arguments against mutually agreed agreements on fixed tenancies are, frankly, unconvincing and threadbare. They result in more, not less, security for tenants, and less chance of familial disruption. The Renters’ Rights Bill rightly cracks down on rogue landlords, improves standards in the PRS and seeks to ensure a fair, workable and sustainable rental market.

Noble Lords may recall my Amendment 173 in Committee, which called for tenants to give notice not earlier than four months after agreeing to an assured tenancy, resulting in a minimum tenancy of six rather than two months. Why are the Government insisting that six months would be a disaster, as under today’s assured shorthold tenancies, but two months will be a panacea? The outcome of exclusively two-month periodic tenancies will be less security for tenants and landlords alike, and higher rents.

While I accept the need for flexibility for tenants, I do not see why an additional four months should be regarded as so unacceptable by the Government. Responsible landlords require the certainty of a minimum period to defray the cost of establishing a new tenancy. Many of these costs are one-off and cannot be passed on to the tenant under the Tenant Fees Act 2019. These cover things such as cleaning, inventories, referencing, credit checks, admin and so forth. A higher turnover of tenancies under periodic tenancies, and the financial risks associated with it, will otherwise put up rents. All long-term tenancies could potentially turn into short tenancies and the landlord will have to factor that into the rent. Another concern of landlords will be if a tenant quits in the middle of winter, when much fewer tenants are seeking rental properties. Rentals are often seasonal, and longer void periods will be the outcome. Again, this will be reflected in higher rents.

Ministers argue that it is highly unlikely that tenants will move in and out of rental properties, in effect turning long-lets into short-let properties. But that is exactly what will happen in many cases, especially in coastal resorts and city centres, already plagued by Airbnb and other short-let platforms. Figures produced by Hamptons show that properties being marketed as short-term lets are advertised at prices on average 49% higher than the same types of property for long-term rent. In the London Borough of Camden, short-lets can cost four times higher than long-lets. Deposits for short-let properties are about the same as those for long-term rent. This would make it cheaper for tenants to just rent a long-term property for two months than secure a short let for the same period.

To suggest that people will not game the system is naive. Why would short-term tenants volunteer to pay up to four times the amount of rent when they can save themselves thousands of pounds taking a property advertised for long-term rental for just two months or even less? On day one of the tenancy, they will have the legal right to give two months’ notice. Two-month period tenancies will open the floodgates to legal backdoor short lets which will be impossible to police. This will have other implications, which we are already witnessing. Landlords will gravitate increasingly to short-let platforms such as Airbnb which are more profitable than long lets and virtually unregulated.

With the associated abolition of upfront payments, which will make vulnerable people, the self-employed, pensioners and students—including foreign students—unable to prove their income, why should many landlords continue to take the risk when there is a more profitable alternative? In any event, only 7% of tenants pay anything up front, so I fail to see why this is also an issue for HMG. Banning upfront payments, which your Lordships will discuss later, was very much a last-minute government amendment in the other place, and I suspect it was badly thought through.

All this will result in fewer long-term rentals being available to tenants, less security and a profound shortage of long lets for local people in tourist hotspots. It is already happening, as people in Cornwall, Devon and Wales will know.

Nothing in the Bill will increase the supply of rental property in the PRS which, by some estimates, needs an extra 50,000 rentals per year just to stand still. A six-month minimum tenancy would underpin the viability of the PRS and ensure that more homes, not fewer, are provided for those tenants who need and want a long- term home.

Those should be where people need homes; those landlords entering the market at the moment tend to chase higher yields in the north, ignoring the south, where buy to let is rapidly becoming unprofitable. A six-month minimum fixed tenancy, if mutually agreed, gives all parties plenty of flexibility. As the noble Lord, Lord Hacking, mentioned, many tenants prefer to have even a 12-month fixed tenancy to give them added security.

The amendment would also implement a recommendation by the Levelling Up, Housing and Communities Committee in its report on reform of the PRS in 2023, chaired by the very knowledgeable Labour MP, Clive Betts. The recommendation was

“that tenants be unable to give two months’ notice to leave until they have been in a property for at least four months”.

It noted:

“This will give landlords the legal certainty of at least six months’ rent at the start of the tenancy”.


After this period, the tenancy agreement could continue on a periodic basis as envisaged by this Bill.

I fear that, unless His Majesty’s Government amend the Bill on fixed terms and upfront payments, it will make the PRS unstable, uncertain, increasingly expensive and less viable, which would be bad for both tenants and landlords. Sadly, His Majesty’s Government are showing no sign of introducing the significant amendments necessary. As the noble Lord, Lord Hacking, said, the Government listen but take no notice. As we have seen in the other place, this does not always work out well.

On 28 April, the noble Baroness the Minister, who cannot be accused of not listening, told the Committee:

“We are committed to robustly monitoring and evaluating the impact of our reforms. We retain powers to amend these measures should the evidence arise that they are having a significant impact on a particular group … We maintain the powers to amend, should we need to”.—[Official Report, 28/4/25; col. 1085.]


I hope that His Majesty’s Government bear this very much in mind, before some of the unintended consequences and regrettable flaws in the Bill see the light of day. I was just one of 26 Peers who voted against HS2 in your Lordships’ House, and it gives me very little pleasure to say after the event “I told you so”.

[Lord Fuller (Con)]

My Lords, I shall speak strongly in favour of Amendment 1. I declare my interests as I rent properties in Norwich and commercial properties in Great Yarmouth through a directorship.

We live in a free-market economy, which is underpinned by the law of contract, a codified agreement between consenting counterparties. Of course, we must have safeguards and regulatory guard-rails to ensure that one party does not hold the other over a barrel, but the freedom of contract so that mutual needs can be codified and agreed is a fundamental part of the way in which we live and is one of the reasons why we have so many learned friends in this place.

I want to give some examples, from my experience as a landlord, of the type of persons who value the ability to customise the standard contract to suit themselves by entering into a fixed term. It is not the majority, but it is a significant proportion that cannot just be wished away. They include: employees on a fixed-term employment contract engaged in a particular project; students, singly or more commonly in groups, who want to secure their ideal house in advance and are able to do so only if the current occupants are sure to vacate in the summer; the busy doctor, who gets passed around the hospitals each August; and the foreign person, who is used to the concept of fixed terms in their own country and cannot understand what business it is of the state to interfere in these private arrangements. Those tenants value contract certainty so that they can focus on their work and generate wealth for our nation.

I like this amendment because it gives an additional benefit to the tenant: not just the fixed tenancy but the fixed rent. That seems a fair compromise, not least because the landlord does not need to price uncertainty into the contract—the uncertainty of a void. As a landlord I value certainty, even at the expense of locking out rent rises, because if I know there will not be a void, I can give a better price and everybody wins. I cannot see what is wrong with that.

The Government boast a commitment to

“transform the experience of private renting”.

They are doing that all right; they are making it harder for a significant minority to meet their reasonable needs. There are so many unintended consequences—the noble Lords, Lord Hacking and Lord Truscott, mentioned some of them. For a moment I thought I was going to be on my own, but I am delighted to see that there is cross-party consensus on the importance of this amendment.

I too was thinking about the abuse in holiday hotspots, where it is common ground that we want to encourage year-round occupation of homes in these coastal areas—although not the second council tax that appears to be emerging alongside. I fear the unintended consequences of this Bill. Let us contemplate a tenancy in Cornwall, taking on in June. The proposed tenant says, “Yes, I’m going to stay for a whole year”, but in the event they leave just after the August bank holiday. The problem is that by giving two months’ notice, it is a clear abuse; and to counter that abuse, landlords will factor in the risk of the vacancy. So they will jack up rents, and the person who genuinely does want to stay for the whole year is disadvantaged. Of course, they may wish to show good faith by paying in advance, but that will be discarded as well. I just cannot see how this helps anyone.

I will talk about students in more detail later, but I am concerned that we are going to seriously disrupt the student market, not just for their convenience. Often in freshers’ week—I saw it in my own experience when I was younger—friendship groups get rammed together and pretty quickly decide they want to go into a house together, and why not? Halls do not suit anybody. The purpose of the fixed tenancy is the discipline that binds them all together. They are not related—at least not when they start; I have been in houses where that does happen—but you get a situation where one person may want to quit half way through, and it reverses the obligation. Rather than that person being forced to find another student to take his or her place, it becomes the obligation of all his former friends to undertake that core activity. The responsibility is flipped, and I do not think that is good either.

There are so many other things I could say, but this is a good amendment. It does not wreck the Bill but enhances it. It works with the grain of the way a significant minority of people, consenting adults, wish to conduct their affairs and come to a sensible contract for those it suits. I agree strongly with what the noble Lord, Lord Hacking, said. There are limits to where the state should interfere; it should allow free citizens to exercise the choices that they should be entitled to make. This amendment deserves our full support.