Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Thursday 6th April 2017 Lords Chamber

Asked by

[Lord Chidgey]

To ask Her Majesty’s Government what plans they have to engage United Kingdom parliamentarians in the process and programme for the forthcoming Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in the United Kingdom, in particular with respect to the expansion and strengthening of international cultural, trade and investment initiatives.

[The Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Anelay of St Johns) (Con)]

My Lords, this Government recognise the strong contribution of UK parliamentarians to Commonwealth activities, including on enhancing opportunities for trade and investment. We will engage closely with parliamentarians and other Commonwealth stakeholders, including the CPA UK, in designing and delivering an ambitious, creative and innovative Commonwealth summit. We want to make the most of all the Commonwealth has to offer and demonstrate a Commonwealth that is truly relevant for the 21st century.

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, I thank the Minister for that reply. The CHOGM summit provides a golden opportunity for all Commonwealth parliamentarians to demonstrate their commitment to democracy, transparency, the rule of law and human rights as laid down in the Commonwealth charter. Will the Minister, therefore, press the Government to support the CPA UK’s plan to hold a linked Commonwealth conference prior to CHOGM? Will she press for a parliamentary forum at CHOGM itself, following the example set by many international high-level meetings?

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

The noble Lord raises important points, all of which we are very much taking into account, I assure him. Indeed, most recently I met Andrew Tuggey of the CPA UK to discuss what shape its plans might take—not only, of course, what deliverables there could be for the event itself, but the participation by CPA UK members more generally in the civil society events.

Commonwealth

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Thursday 16th March 2017 Lords Chamber

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, there can be no more thrilling spectacle than the sight of the flags of the Commonwealth nations flowing down the central aisle of Westminster Abbey, carried, two by two, by 52 young people. That is what I think, anyway. On Commonwealth Day, their youth, enthusiasm and sense of expectation underlined both the diversity and the unity of their Commonwealth of Nations.

The new Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, the noble and learned Baroness, Lady Scotland, was absolutely right to recall Her Majesty the Queen’s observation, during her Silver Jubilee in 1977, that her role as Head of the Commonwealth represents,

“the transformation of the Crown from an emblem of dominion into a symbol of free and voluntary association. In all history this has no precedent”.

The noble and learned Baroness went on to say in the Ministers Reference Book Commonwealth 2017:

“A sense of continuity and building on the best of what we hold in common, enables it to flourish as a powerful influence for good … Exchange of ideas, as well as trade, are the lifeblood of Commonwealth connection”.

Acting early to prevent violent extremism has to be one of the Commonwealth’s top priorities. By offering support to strengthen and stabilise national institutions, the Commonwealth can be a steadying anchor in these turbulent times.

At this point I should declare an interest. I have been a member or officer of the APPG for the Commonwealth for some years, and I am currently the chairman of the National Liberal Club’s Commonwealth Forum.

As we prepare for the Commonwealth summit—CHOGM—in London and Windsor, to be held in the week beginning 16 April next year, we will find ourselves pretty well halfway through the UK’s Brexit negotiations with the EU. The received wisdom is that by then we will be forming a picture of to what degree the revival of long-neglected trading links with the Commonwealth will be feasible, and whether they can provide an essential cushion against the impact of the loss of preferential trade with the EU in 2019.

The International Trade Committee’s report to the House of Commons last week on UK trade options post 2019 provides some interesting insights. The 52 Commonwealth nations, ranging from developed to emerging to developing nations, present a bewildering array of potential trade options. A salutary factor is the marked decline in UK exports to the Commonwealth that has occurred since the UK joined the EU more than 40 years ago. Anyone who has ever been involved in international business development can tell you that it takes years to build customer confidence, trust and loyalty, and even longer to restore these when lost.

I well recall, working in Malaysia as a business development director for a UK international consulting engineering practice, the impact of the UK Government introducing a university fees structure for Commonwealth students which tripled their costs, compared to UK students. Two things happened. The USA and Australia almost immediately significantly increased the number of scholarship university places they offered to Commonwealth students, and the Prime Minister of Malaysia issued an edict to his country’s public and private sector procurement managers alike, to buy British last. The director of the Malaysian public water supply department reminisced with me over the wonderful times he had spent reading engineering at Glasgow University, and how he had followed the British systems and specifications for equipment. He therefore bought British goods and services throughout his professional life. I doubt very much whether his successors have followed his example, particularly as many now struggle to get a UK student visa, let alone assistance to attend a UK university.

According to the Commonwealth Secretariat, Brexit is likely to have far-reaching implications. Commonwealth members’ trade with the UK has long been governed through EU policies. Under Brexit, many developing country exporters are concerned that their market access into the UK and Europe could be disrupted. Brexit may also have implications for broader co-operation to take advantage of the apparent 19% Commonwealth trade-cost discount. Enhanced co-operation will also enable the Commonwealth to be an effective force for global good, in pursuit of realising the sustainable development goals. There has been an unprecedented global slowdown which is threatening the efforts to build on the achievements of the MDGs. Now is the time for the Commonwealth to play a pivotal role in making international trade an effective means of realising the sustainable development goals—the SDGs. Growth has slowed from 2.4% per year to 1.7% in 2016. There has been a lost decade of trade gains since 2008, which has had serious development implications. We could find that we have had the slowest decade of trade expansion since World War II.

The SDGs outlined in The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development aim to reduce the number of people living on less than $1.25 a day, which is currently 14%, to zero by 2030. The SDGs have extended scope to include the challenges of environmental sustainability, equity, inclusiveness, urbanisation and strengthening global partnerships. Reviving global trade flows while mitigating the consequences of Brexit is an important issue in keeping SDG implementation on track. The UK and the EU therefore need to work together to mitigate post-Brexit risks and manage uncertainties by continuing the trade preferences that developing countries currently enjoy in Europe and the UK.

The House of Lords Library has pointed out that in 2014, total UK exports to the Commonwealth were worth £48 billion, or some 9% of the UK’s exports overall. UK exports to the EU, meanwhile, amounted to around £250 billion—some five times that of the Commonwealth, which by any reckoning requires a huge displacement to rebalance. In the inaugural Commonwealth Trade Ministers meeting last week, business and sustainability was identified as one of the six key pillars of the “Agenda for Growth”. This was one of the areas which will contribute to greater intra-Commonwealth co-operation and utilisation of the Commonwealth factor. Ministers anticipate that this will unlock new trade and investment opportunities for member countries. Recent research by the Business & Sustainable Development Commission shows that the SDGs will require something like $2 trillion to $3 trillion each year in new investment, but can help to unlock $12 trillion in new market value across 60 sectors. These figures are beyond the scope of my imagination, but that is what they are.

The “Agenda for Growth” posed a number of key questions and I would be grateful if, in her reply, the Minister could share with noble Lords the answers that those Ministers arrived at in their panels. For example, do the SDGs provide a useful framework for businesses and Governments to understand the scale of the sustainability challenge that we face and restore public trust in states’ abilities to meet this challenge? What role can the Commonwealth play in raising awareness and helping Governments to meet this challenge? Finally, how can private investment be best mobilised to support the sustainability goals in countries where their credit and reliability put the risk assessment out of reach?

South Sudan

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Wednesday 1st February 2017 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

My Lords, I am always happy to learn from the noble Baroness’s experiences on the ground, and I will certainly look at that. With regard to aid, we have taken a lead role. We have contributed £357 million to address the humanitarian crisis since the outbreak of conflict. The Government of South Sudan have continued to block access to some areas, but I give this undertaking to the people of South Sudan, one that I feel sure that the House will join: we will not abandon them.

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, article 1 of chapter 5 of the South Sudan peace accord charges the unity Government with establishing an independent hybrid court to help bring justice to the country, yet in Juba last week the South Sudan Government said that that much sought-after hybrid court will undermine peace, which they say they need time to achieve, at the expense of justice for the victims of the atrocities in that country. As a member of the troika, do the Government support that analysis, and what action are they taking to persuade South Sudan to participate in the implementation of transitional justice as a priority?

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

My Lords, the August 2015 peace agreement indeed mandated the creation of a hybrid court for the most serious crimes, and we then urged and continue to urge the African Union to accelerate its implementation. I suspect that I shall raise these issues when I travel shortly to the region— during the Recess, I hasten to add, in case the Chief Whip is listening. I am fortunate enough to be travelling to Kenya, Uganda and Burundi and, in Uganda, I shall be able to see some of the generosity given by the Ugandan people to refugees—to those who have suffered in this conflict.

Sudan

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Monday 23rd January 2017 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

My Lords, I perfectly understand the valuable reasons why the noble Baroness asks that question today—but perhaps she was unable to see that the Question on the Order Paper changed, and therefore South Sudan is no longer part of today’s Question. However, I reassure her that it will be on the Order Paper to be asked next week, and I will certainly address it at that stage. She is right to raise those questions. Indeed, some from South Sudan have fled to Sudan itself, and we are trying to assist with aid there.

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, the United States sanctions placed on Sudan because of the humanitarian and genocidal crimes in Darfur, the Nuba mountains and South Kordofan and Blue Nile states have apparently been lifted by executive order from the past United States President, in response to supposed positive actions. I think that the Minister acknowledges that the abuses have continued pretty well unabated, with humanitarian access still blocked, the indiscriminate slaughter of civilians, the refusal to rein in sexual violence throughout Darfur, and attacks by militia forces in South Kordofan and the Blue Nile. Apart from providing potential business investment opportunities, what positive relief has the Sudan dialogue and Khartoum process given to the oppressed and abused minorities in that region?

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

My Lords, there were several important points there. May I in response point out that when the US promised to lift economic sanctions it was on the basis of a raft of conditions, which will be assessed by July? The first condition is a ceasefire across the country. The noble Lord raised Darfur and the Two Areas, on which I thought I had already responded. The opposition forces there say that there has not been a breach. We are aware, however, of reports of clashes in Nertiti, Darfur. The problem is that we have not been able to verify those with people on the ground, because of the difficulty of access—but I assure the noble Lord that we shall continue trying to do so.

Sudan

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Wednesday 6th July 2016 Lords Chamber

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, following Oxfam’s statement that the Khartoum process represents Europe sacrificing its values,

“on the altar of migration”,

will the Government consider their position as chair of that process? And, following the outcome of the EU referendum, what is the position of the UK within the troika, given that there will no longer be European Union representation within that group?

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

My Lords, with regard to the technicality of the membership of the troika, we remain there very firmly, a strong partner of Norway and the United States; there is absolutely no doubt about that. As for the chairmanship of the Khartoum process, we will remain as chair until Ethiopia, I believe, takes over the role later this year in the normal way. We will continue to have a strong focus on the conflicts and human rights situation throughout Sudan.

Outcome of the European Union Referendum

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Wednesday 6th July 2016 Lords Chamber

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, I congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Low, and the preceding speaker, my good and noble friend Lord Clement-Jones, on the salutary contributions they have made to this debate.

It is even more difficult at number 101 on the speakers list to find something novel to say but what I may try to do is to emphasise some of the key issues as I see them and underline the thoughts of people who spoke earlier. My work since the 1970s has engaged me with the EU institutions one way or another. Those institutions can be aloof, inefficient, expensive, micro-managing control freaks. They are long overdue for reform. However, over the decades they have created the world’s largest single market, cemented peace, and united a continent. They have raised standards, advanced scientific and medical research and improved the environment. There is serious concern that studies are showing that over 80% of all referendum stories in our press were negative. There is concern that most newspapers apparently chose wilfully to deceive and help to hoodwink the millions of poorer and disadvantaged and most vulnerable citizens. The referendum campaign, particularly for the outs, sank to depths of mendacity rarely seen in our press, while an opinion poll taken after the result showed that seven out of 10 Brexit voters thought the referendum did not matter very much. As events unfold, the outcome most certainly will.

The economic case for leaving the EU presented by the Brexiters makes much of an assumption that the UK would then be free to trade with whoever in the world, unshackled from EU regulations. However, the most cursory examination confirms this assumption to be blatantly false. The EU is the largest trading partner with the rapidly expanding markets of Africa and the same applies with India and China, which have both made clear their reluctance to see Britain leave the EU. Both are on record as being far more interested in negotiating comprehensive trade deals with the EU of 28 nations as one rather than with the UK singly, even if it is the second-largest economy in Europe.

President Xi Jinping, on his recent visit to the UK, said:

“China hopes to see a prosperous Europe and a united EU”,

with Britain as an important member playing,

“an even more positive and constructive role in … the … development of China-EU ties”.

He could not put it more plainly than that. Asia’s leaders have, without exception, encouraged the UK not to withdraw from the EU. In India, where the UK is seen as its entry point to the EU market, there is widespread concern that leaving would create considerable uncertainty in the economy and have an adverse impact on investment. With the pound falling to its lowest level for more than 30 years this morning, that concern is well justified.

Across the Commonwealth, which Brexiters cling to like an economic get-out-of-jail card, it is a similar story. The Prime Ministers of both Australia and New Zealand are on record as supporting continued British membership of the EU, welcoming our strong role in Europe. John Key, the New Zealand Prime Minister, said that,

“if we had the equivalent of Europe on our doorstep … we certainly wouldn’t be looking to leave it”.

Although Australia and New Zealand have strong and natural links to the UK, we cannot turn the clocks back 50 years. As trading opportunities, their markets, at some 20 million souls together, are a fraction of those in the African, Pacific, Caribbean and Asian regions, not to mention the 500 million we are already joined with in the EU. I often wonder where the pundits suggesting there is a cornucopia of trading deals just waiting for the UK to leave the EU get their rationale from.

On visiting the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa just a few months ago, I found that without exception the diplomatic corps, the United Nations agencies and government Ministers from across Africa could not fathom the logic behind Brexit. They feared that influence between the EU and the African Union would be weakened and that security intelligence in Africa currently shared with the UK by EU states would be compromised, undermining our soft power in the continent.

The impact on trade between Africa and the UK will be immense. With African economic growth rates at double or even triple those in Europe, demand for high-quality goods and services booming and unprecedented investment levels, Africa is a long-term market of choice. The latest figures available record that annual trade flows between Africa and the EU, including the UK, reached $350 billion. The projection for China was $200 billion. For the US, it was $100 billion. That sequence of figures spells it out. The projections are that with trade between Africa and the EU already double the sum of the other major markets, it will continue to expand rapidly. This is partly because economic partnership agreements—EPAs—have been negotiated between the European Union and five African economic regions, comprising 33 countries, as well as the Caribbean and Pacific regions.

The EPAs are designed to remove trade barriers and tariffs that impede trade and economic growth between developing regions and the EU countries, bringing direct benefit to both. For the UK, this apparently amounted to some 15% of the uplift. Such is the complexity of the arrangements and negotiations, it has taken 15 years to reach the EPAs’ signing and implementation stage. Outside the EU and outside the EPAs, the UK loses the benefits of these tariff exemptions to these huge markets and, one must assume, faces years of tortuous negotiation to regain entry, while our competitors entrench from their favoured positions.

For some years now, I have been representing the UK Parliament on the governing council of AWEPA, which some colleagues will remember was the organisation of European parliamentarians established to support the so-called front-line states bordering the then apartheid South Africa. Today, AWEPA members, including the UK, are working in 10 African countries, the African Economic Community and the East African Legislative Assembly. They are developing the skills to strengthen these institutions, which are essential to the effective oversight and monitoring of development projects in line with the sustainable development goals. With some 30% of the UK’s aid budget disbursed through the European Union, one can only wonder what will happen to this strategic exercise in soft power in the future.

Nigeria

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Thursday 17th December 2015 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

Yes, my Lords. The noble Lord is right to point out Nigeria’s position in ECOWAS and how important it is that it plays a strong role there and appreciates the position it ought to take. The advantage of the Conflict, Security and Stability Fund is that now we can have project funding on a four-year cycle, which makes it more certain.

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, Boko Haram systematically attacks education provision in the northern states of Nigeria, which now have exceptionally low levels of enrolment in primary, secondary and further education and where many schools have been closed for three years or more. With literacy levels falling to less than 60%, will the Government make representations to the Nigerian Government to prioritise education provision in these northern states? Will they also stress the importance of consistent, regular payment of teachers’ wages in state schools, improved teacher training and a focus on reopening closed schools and making them secure learning environments?

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

The noble Lord is right to point to the importance of education, because it provides security for children that they can be with their families and have a future. We have stressed to President Buhari that the work carried out militarily to defeat Boko Haram is only one part of the process. It is crucial that we work to ensure that there is reform of the constitution and the way it tackles and respects minorities. It is also crucial to support education systems for the future security of that area.

Sudan: Human Rights

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Thursday 17th December 2015 Lords Chamber

Asked by

[Lord Chidgey]

To ask Her Majesty’s Government what is their assessment of the current human rights situation in Sudan.

[The Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Anelay of St Johns) (Con)]

My Lords, the human rights situation in Sudan remains of serious concern, particularly regarding reports of violations of international humanitarian law and the use of sexual violence in conflict. We consistently raise our concerns with the Government of Sudan and armed opposition groups and, where relevant, in the UN Security Council. In addition, we supported a renewed mandate for the UN independent expert on human rights at the Human Rights Council this September.

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

I thank the Minister for that response. In 2004, Gayle Smith, the respected US analyst on Sudan, wrote in the Washington Post, in terms, that the efforts of the US Administration to end Sudan’s conflict would have been wasted if they allowed the Sudanese Government to continue to commit crimes against humanity. They would have demonstrated to Khartoum that it could act with impunity against its own people. Eleven years later, Gayle Smith has been appointed head of the US International Development Agency. In the mean time, 2.5 million people have been displaced in Darfur and 300,000 killed. Some 500,000 children are suffering from severe acute malnutrition and will die without emergency action. Will the Government remind Gayle Smith of her prophetic words and urge the US agency to join the UK in taking the strongest lead in the Security Council, and in the UN as a whole, to bring to an end Khartoum’s record of human rights abuse and denial of humanitarian aid access?

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

My Lords, we take a very strong position with the Government of Sudan on all those matters, and we work closely within the troika with our colleagues, the United States and Norway. Sudan has suffered now for decades in a situation where its Government appear to ignore the needs of their own population. We work within the United Nations, and of course the Human Rights Council is part of that body. In particular, we support the work of the UN panel of experts to document breaches of the sanctions regime, breaches of international humanitarian law and offences against individuals, which can be followed up because of course no one should be able to claim immunity or impunity for those crimes.

Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Thursday 17th December 2015 Lords Chamber

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, first, I congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Luce, on securing this debate at such an appropriate time for this House. In his contribution, he recognised the commitment of the Maltese Government at their CHOGM. He made an interesting point about whether the United Kingdom would do the same at our London CHOGM in a couple of years’ time. He brought a very wide range of issues before us and reminded us that it is of course the young who lead the way.

The noble Lord, Lord Howell, set out the scale of the Commonwealth, in spite of the lack of time for Members in this debate and the lack of interest in the British press in covering the Commonwealth. He said that there are big prizes in growing markets for the Commonwealth. He ended with a very apposite question: “How long will we be ignorant of our own strength?”. What a wonderful comment to think about.

The noble Lord, Lord Robertson, talked about the Queen Elizabeth Diamond Jubilee Trust and commented on the commitment of Her Majesty the Queen in her 60 years’ service to the Commonwealth.

My noble friend Lord Steel reflected on his boyhood in Kenya. I was going to say that he was in the hands of the noble Lord, Lord Luce, but “patronage” would probably be the right way of putting it. He made the point that there are great things to come from the newly elected Secretary-General, the noble and learned Baroness, Lady Scotland. She has noted that 40 out of 53 Commonwealth countries still criminalise homosexuality and has therefore set herself a target for change, which is admirable.

The noble Baroness, Lady Featherstone, made such a wonderful maiden speech in only three minutes, which is quite remarkable. She set out the passions in her life: the protection of individuals from violence and discrimination; the protection of women; the abolition of FGM; her commitment to LGBT rights; and fighting climate change. My noble friend Lord Sandwich gave us the wonderful example of Lutyens and his view of architecture in Delhi—which of course most of us will have seen—setting standards that can be adopted and adapted for a wide range of issues across the Commonwealth.

That of course reminds us of potential Commonwealth members, as did the noble Lord, Lord Rana. It just so happens that I have some strong connections with the Republic of Ireland and I often work with Irish MPs on capacity-building projects in southern Africa. It is slightly difficult when I invite them for a meeting in this place, because to get here they have to come through security at Cromwell Green, which is not particularly attractive for them.

As the noble Lord, Lord Luce, pointed out, the Commonwealth stands out among organisations for the particularly broad range of professional and civil society bodies that enable citizens in member states to work together and provide mutual support. This is acknowledged in the opening words of the Commonwealth charter:

“We the people of the Commonwealth”.

The charter also recognises,

“the important role that civil society plays in our communities and countries as partners in promoting and supporting Commonwealth values and principles”.

My noble friend Lord Watson expanded on this and emphasised it in his speech. As the chair of the advisory council of the Commonwealth Policy Studies Unit, I had the opportunity to attend the 2011 CHOGM in Perth, Australia, where the Commonwealth charter was presented.

At the Malta CHOGM, Her Majesty’s Government chaired the round table on LGBT issues, and I would be grateful if the Minister could advise us of the outcomes of that round table, as this has become such a pertinent topic in our debate today. In their 2015 CHOGM communiqué, Heads of Government paid tribute to the many Commonwealth organisations and individual citizens who had gathered in Malta. They contributed in a diverse way to advancing the Commonwealth’s values, principles, goals and priorities.

A very significant Canadian contribution is the Commonwealth of Learning, or the COL, an outcome of the 1987 Vancouver CHOGM. The COL has been generously supported by Canada and other member states, and is still based in Vancouver. Under the leadership of Professor Asha Kanwar of India, it continues to deliver an important expression of intergovernmental co-operation on education, which has always been a primary area of Commonwealth focus.

In Malta, Heads of Government welcomed the work of the COL and its “learning for development” approach in enhancing access to quality education and training, leading to employment and entrepreneurship. They envisage that under its new strategic plan, and through the use of ICT, it will add value to national efforts to accelerate progress towards achieving the sustainable development goals. Heads of Government expressed particular appreciation for the Virtual University for Small States of the Commonwealth—another COL initiative—and in particular its use of innovative technologies for human resource development in small states and the special initiative to prevent child marriage.

While in Malta for the CHOGM, Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull of Australia announced that his country would double its financial contribution to the COL. This is a great boost in support and will help the COL to improve the lives of thousands of vulnerable girls and women. As Professor Kanwar pointed out when acknowledging the values of this fresh financial commitment, investing in girls and women yields high returns.

The work of the Association of Commonwealth Universities, which I think the noble Lord, Lord Luce, also mentioned, and of the Commonwealth Scholarship and Fellowship Plan, and the contributions of the Commonwealth Scholarship Commission, are impressive in their impact and influence, offering beacons of hope and real opportunity for many of the most promising young people. Scholarships, fellowships and other forms of educational exchange are critical to building and sustaining pan-Commonwealth co-operation and are an important way of showing the commitment of the United Kingdom to international development and understanding.

I encourage DfID and the FCO to find ways of strengthening scholarships and fellowships as a powerful strand of influence and good will, not least because of the way in which Commonwealth undergraduate and postgraduate students are able to carry forward and expand their links with this country and more widely through the Commonwealth’s networks of professional and civil society organisations, to which I have already referred. Under the coalition Government, it was particularly satisfying how BIS and UKTI provided support for special fellowships in connection with the Commonwealth Science Conference held in Bangalore. This revival of a gathering that had not taken place for 50 years showed renewed understanding of and confidence in the importance of the Commonwealth as a forum for co-operation and exchange.

In their Malta communiqué, the Heads of Government paid tribute to the Science Conference and welcomed Singapore’s offer to host the next Commonwealth Science Conference when it convenes in June 2017. The conference attracts and warrants the attention and investment of resources by such eminent institutions as the Royal Society, the Indian Institute of Science and the National Research Foundation in Singapore. We should also pay tribute to the imaginative partnership project, Commonwealth Class, which is bringing understanding of their Commonwealth identity to a new generation of Commonwealth citizens. Again, the noble Lord, Lord Luce, picked up on this. Led by the British Council and the Commonwealth Secretariat, the project presents high-quality videos and learning materials on the values of the Commonwealth charter. Schoolchildren around the world can work together online and acquire citizenship skills and a global perspective.

Initiatives such as this, particularly for schools and young people, are needed more now than ever. The Commonwealth has the reach, the diversity and the networks to lead in advancing respect and understanding. In this context, I commend the very welcome support being provided by the Government and other member states for a new unit in the Commonwealth Secretariat to focus on the vital work of countering violent extremism. Through its work on civil paths to peace, the Commonwealth collectively has given a lead in finding innovative and inclusive ways of peacebuilding and national development. From its earliest days, and on crucial issues such as fighting institutional racism, particularly in southern Africa, the Commonwealth has been able to lead and convene for progressive and liberal approaches.

We look forward to a new chapter opening under the stewardship of the noble and learned Baroness, Lady Scotland—a citizen of Dominica, let us not forget. As so many other noble Lords have done, I congratulate her warmly on her appointment as Commonwealth Secretary-General. This must be the best thing since sliced bread as far as we are concerned. Finally, I am delighted we have had the opportunity, in this most timely debate, of considering the contribution the Commonwealth makes and how, to quote the theme of the 2015 CHOGM, it is adding global value.

Bilateral Trade: United Kingdom and Africa

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Wednesday 11th November 2015 Lords Chamber

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, first, how intriguing it was to hear the comments from the noble and learned Baroness. I had not realised her connection with Dominica—a beautiful country which I once visited, and which I think is famous for its ecological tourism. Thank you for that information.

I congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Sheikh, on bringing this issue to us today. Speaking as the co-chair of the All-Party Africa Parliamentary Group, I think his speech told us an awful lot about Africa’s potential. Perhaps I may say how much I, too, look forward to the maiden speech from my colleague and noble friend Lord Oates, who I understand accompanied the noble Lord, Lord Sheikh, to Ethiopia. My noble friend brings to your Lordships’ House a wealth of experience in local and national government, having served as the deputy leader of Kingston-upon-Thames Council and, latterly, as the chief of staff of the Deputy Prime Minister in the last Parliament.

In encouraging bilateral trade between the UK and Africa, a good point of reference is the importance of good governance to investors in creating stable and reliable markets. Accountability, transparency and probity are the new watchwords in the international aid and development world, coupled with an overarching demand to gain value for money for taxpayers in results-based aid and development programmes. So far, so good, but what about encouraging UK bilateral trade at the sharp end by getting into the marketplace ready to negotiate, keen to trade and to set up joint ventures and win business? Questioning one ambassador in Africa on how UK business development was going in his country generated an interesting response. Apparently, a major UK oil company had just secured a multi-billion pound project with the possibility of subcontracts then trickling down to UK firms. In other words, the box for expanding UK trade was well and truly ticked.

In reality, of course, multinational organisations are well equipped to do their own business development and are unlikely to need embassy support, unless they are in diplomatic or political trouble. What we need to know is—I hope that the Minister can start to answer this in his reply—what guidance is given to embassy and high commission staff on assisting small to medium-size enterprises? The SMEs are the companies with the flexibility and the ideas for developing world-beating products. They are critical to our economic growth, but often without the financial resources to pursue African markets, develop products and support their customer base. Can the Minister tell me what training FCO and DfID staff are given in market assessment and business development, for example, and in establishing protocols within which they can assist private sector companies fairly and evenly?

UK-Africa bilateral aid is increasingly influenced by EU trade agreements, particularly the contentious economic partnership agreements, or EPAs. African countries are placing renewed emphasis on developing their food processing industries, creating more employment and adding greater value to their agro-food exports, often in partnership with UK and EU-based companies. A reality is emerging, however, in that in a number of agro-food sectors the rise in imports of these products is generating a disconnect between expanding urban demand and the rural African hinterlands. By removing tariff and non-tariff barriers, the EPAs have led to a massive increase in the value of EU agro-food exports to sub-Saharan Africa. Local African farmers and producers are being severely damaged by EU exports, which now account for nearly 50% of the poultry meat sector, for example, and are closing off their market opportunities. Similarly, expanding EU milk powder exports are substituting for local milk production, to the detriment of local farmers. Far greater scrutiny is needed of how trade and agricultural policies impact on the efforts of African countries and regions to promote the development of agricultural sectors.

In conclusion, will the Government pledge to recognise fully the development needs of African countries in the agro-food sector and that, within the UK’s compass, no sub-Saharan African Government will be obliged to implement trade policy measures that undermine their national agro-food sector strategies?