Human Rights (Colombia)

Debate between Jim McGovern and Jim Sheridan

Tuesday 22nd November 2011 Westminster Hall

[Jim Sheridan]

The hon. Gentleman is right—human trafficking in Colombia is an extremely important issue that I hope we will address seriously.

The international community will not remain silent while human rights abuses continue, and we must make clear our support for a proper peace process in Colombia. The conflict will end only with a peace process between the Government and the guerrilla groups, and the UK Government should do everything in their power to encourage all parties in the conflict to enter into serious negotiations. We must support civil society’s efforts for peace.

The authorities, and particularly the armed forces, readily label any ordinary Colombian, especially rural peasants or any Colombian they like—or, more accurately, do not like—a terrorist. They then kill or butcher them, or at best arrest them and lock them in jail without proper charges or trial. Until recently, the army offered holiday bonuses or promotions to personnel who captured or killed a FARC guerrilla, so it is hardly surprising that innocent people were being rounded up, shot and dressed as terrorists.

Two years ago, I visited Colombia together with some colleagues, and I met mothers who told me how their sons had been murdered. The authorities said that the boys were FARC guerrillas, and the army had even set up false employment recruitment agencies to offer those poor boys jobs in the countryside before simply executing them. Boys as young as 16 met that fate. Other mothers told us of sons who were killed and then dressed in guerrilla uniforms. When the mothers went to see the bodies, their sons were wearing FARC uniforms that the mothers had never seen before, despite their sons having lived at home. Remarkably, although the bodies had bullet holes, the uniforms they were wearing did not. The killing of a FARC terrorist earned the soldiers extra holiday. Killing an innocent boy and stuffing the body in a FARC uniform was—and still is—common practice.

The Colombian human rights movement calls such actions false positives. Thousands of people have been killed in that way, many while President Santos was Defence Minister. When I visited Colombia in 2009, the United Nations stated that the number of killings carried out by the Colombian army could constitute a crime against humanity. It also said that the figure for such killings that have not resulted in any conviction stands at 98%, and according to the Colombian Commission of Jurists, impunity for crimes committed by the army or paramilitaries stands at 99%—a shocking situation.

The current Government under Juan Manuel Santos—who I am happy to say is visiting London today; he is very welcome—have pledged that many things will change, and the international community is watching closely. Nevertheless, the number of ordinary Colombian civilians being killed is as high as before. Since President Santos came to power, 110 social activists have been killed, and 29 human rights defenders were killed in the first half of this year. No one has been brought to trial for any of those murders.

Sadly, just two weeks ago, the highly respected NGO, the Centre for Investigation and Popular Education, reported that under President Santos the army has continued to carry out extrajudicial executions—nine so far—and to report murdered civilians as guerrillas killed in combat. Amnesty International states:

“The security forces’ counter-insurgency strategy is largely based on the premise that those living in conflict areas are part of the enemy”.

Let me give some examples. Just last month, on 13 October, a student, Yan Lugo, was killed by a bomb thrown into a student demonstration in Cali. He was nearly blown in half. Ten other students were severely wounded. The police accused him of being blown up by a bomb that he was carrying. All the students deny that, but—surprise, surprise—no investigation has taken place, as far as we know.

An even more brutal story appeared earlier this year when three women from one family were massacred—butchered to death—by paramilitaries, in addition to two farm workers being shot. Those people were killed with machetes. The youngest, five-year-old Sorith Roa, had her hands chopped off. That happened on the same day that 1,000 local peasants organised an event to give testimony of army abuses in the region. It happened in an area controlled by the army, which, it seems, did nothing whatever about it and let it happen. Why were those women murdered? Was five-year-old Sorith a FARC guerrilla?

Those are just two examples of what continues to go on in Colombia today, and still no one is brought to justice.

[Jim McGovern (Dundee West) (Lab)]

I, too, took part in the visit to Colombia in 2009. Like me, my hon. Friend will be aware that people are murdered—shot to death, their bodies riddled with bullets. Then a camouflage uniform is put on them, but there are no bullet holes in the uniform, so there is no investigation. Does he agree that that is outrageous?

[Jim Sheridan]

That is a classic example of how the Colombian authorities carry out their business. My hon. Friend is absolutely right. He was with me, and we spoke to the mothers of the poor young men who were assassinated—massacred—in exactly the way he describes.

To return to the question of people being brought to justice, 98% of the crimes that we are discussing were carried out under the army’s nose. I fully appreciate that President Santos has promised widespread reform and “democratic prosperity”. One of his announcements was that he would disband the Colombian security police force, known as the DAS, which was notorious for its widespread links with paramilitaries. He has also set up an investigation into the links between DAS police and the paramilitaries. However, the 6,000 DAS staff are simply to be divided up among a new intelligence agency, the Office of the Attorney General, which is charged with investigating crimes, and the Office of the Prosecutor General. Therefore, that so-called reform, rather than purging one institution of its links to paramilitarism and crime, will place its members within the institutions charged with investigating those links. You could not make it up, Mr Williams.

Furthermore, the national security doctrine that governed the DAS will remain unchanged, which means that the new intelligence agency is likely to continue to view the political opposition and social movements as allies of subversion.

Under President Uribe, Colombia pushed through a justice and peace law that allegedly saw paramilitary forces demobilise. From that moment on, the Government have said that paramilitaries no longer exist. The growth of abuses by successor groups has forced the Government to recognise the violence, and they now call them “criminal bands”. However, that does not recognise the political and economic control that paramilitaries continue to exert in vast regions of the country, and it reduces the murders that they commit to random acts of violence, rather than classing them as politically motivated crimes.

Furthermore, the complicity and co-operation of Government forces with the groups continues. In the Casa Zinc massacre in Montecristo at 7 pm on 17 August, paramilitaries tortured and killed three peasants. Army troops were stationed nearby, but did not intervene. On 12 October, the San José peace community denounced army and paramilitary co-operation in the region, cataloguing a series of abuses, including threats, illegal searches and recruitment of minors. On 16 August, Rafael Andres Gonzalez Garnica, a peasant trade unionist, was assassinated in Cartagena del Chaira, Caqueta, an operational centre for the army, only a block from a police checkpoint.

An independent report by the New Rainbow Corporation states that, in some areas in Colombia, paramilitary forces follow once the army establishes control and that in others

“some members of the military forces seem to be one”

with paramilitary groups. That helps to explain why many human rights abuses occur in areas that the army controls.

I fully appreciate that President Santos has introduced, as the flagship of his approach, the land and victims law, the stated intention of which is to return land to the peasants from whom it has been stolen since 1991 and to compensate people who have been the victims of human rights abuses since 1986. However, the reality is that even if the web of quasi-legal documents that now tie that land to big business or even multinationals is untangled and even if, as is unlikely, peasants can win a claim to some land, they are likely to suffer the same fate as Ana Fabricia Cordoba—a community leader killed on 7 June this year. She had repeatedly told authorities that she was receiving death threats, but nothing was done to provide her with protection. She had led the community’s demand for their stolen land to be returned. She fled her home region in 2001, after her husband was murdered. She was killed 11 months after her son was also murdered—a crime allegedly carried out by the police.

[Jim McGovern]

Last week, Aidee Moreno—a Colombian trade unionist—visited Parliament. Her entire family has been targeted because of her trade union activities. Her brother, husband and mother have been brutally murdered by paramilitaries. Her niece has disappeared, never to be seen again. Under the provisions of the land and victims law, Aidee Moreno would be due some financial compensation. However, she does not seek compensation, because she says that it

“doesn’t compensate for all those years of suffering and injustice.”

Will my hon. Friend join me in sending best wishes and regards to Aidee Moreno?

[Jim Sheridan]

I, too, had the privilege and pleasure of meeting that brave young woman, who has put her life on the line for people in her community. I have to say, unfortunately, that time will tell whether her bravery is rewarded or whether she is found dead—killed—as well. We complain about the problems in relation to workers’ rights and trade unions in this country; it is a humbling experience then to see what happens to people in Colombia who stand up for their basic human rights.

The reality is that paramilitaries still control large regions of Colombia and that, while the army continues to collude with them, nothing will change. Until the Government acknowledge that paramilitarism still exists as a major force, despite Uribe’s justice and peace law and the supposed demobilisation, and unless they recognise the political motivation behind the abuses committed by those groups, nothing will change.

The land and victims law would be workable in a truly post-conflict situation, but this is not a post-conflict situation and illegal armed groups are everywhere. Additionally, peasant farmers continue to be displaced and those new victims will not be recognised. It is also disturbing that the victims, if they are to be recompensed in any way under the land and victims law, are forced to waive the right to seek justice for the crime that has been committed against them. They literally have to sign a document saying that they will not seek an investigation into the murder of their mother, father or husband. How can that possibly provide people with any dignity or peace of mind?

Computer Games Industry

Debate between Jim McGovern and Jim Sheridan

Wednesday 29th June 2011 Westminster Hall

[Jim McGovern (Dundee West) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Howarth, and I thank the House and the Speaker’s Office for giving me the opportunity to raise an issue of great importance to my constituency: the computer games industry.

As hon. Members will be aware, calls for the Government to provide more support to this important industry have been made for some time, and during both the previous Parliament, and this Parliament, I and many of my colleagues have asked the Government to act. The previous Labour Government committed themselves to introducing tax breaks to encourage start-up companies and overseas developers to establish operations in the UK. The election of the coalition Government saw that policy scrapped, despite the support of Liberal Democrat and Conservative Front-Bench spokespeople before the election.

The UK computer games industry is a substantial contributor to investment in the UK. In Scotland alone, £30.2 million is invested in salaries and overheads, £27.5 million is contributed to the Exchequer, and a direct and indirect contribution of £66.8 million is made to UK GDP. In the UK as a whole, those figures rise to a £1 billion contribution to GDP, and £400 million a year that goes to the Treasury.

In Dundee, the arrival of a successful games developer has been a major factor in the revival of the city’s fortunes, following the loss of major manufacturing industries in the 1980s and ’90s. The computer games industry has contributed to help Dundee fast become a destination of choice for investors. Millions of pounds have been invested into the city and much-needed high-quality jobs have been created. Such investment has also provided an opportunity for young graduates, many of whom studied in Dundee, to pursue graduate careers in the city when before they would have left to work elsewhere. That has had a tremendously positive effect on the city.

All that, however, is now at risk. Like many major industries, the computer games industry operates in a globalised economy and faces stiff competition from abroad. In that environment, just as in many others, global competition is squeezing British industry. Like ship building, general manufacturing and steel production before them, UK creative industries are being tempted away by countries that offer ever more enticing business environments. Canada is a particular threat. Last week the Entertainment Software Association of Canada produced a report highlighting the fact that Canada’s computer games industry has significantly benefited by poaching companies from the UK. It estimates that because of tax breaks, the industry will grow by 17% over the next two years. Between 2008 and 2010, the Canadian games industry grew by 33%; over the same period, the UK’s games industry fell by 9%.

We have seen recent evidence of that phenomenon in the UK when a games developer in Warrington closed and staff were offered positions in the company’s Canadian office. There is more bad news for the UK industry. The US state of Pennsylvania announced this week that it is to introduce a 25% tax break for games developers. That makes it the 17th US state to offer such support. Alongside that, the Irish Culture Minister, Jimmy Deenihan, announced at the start of this month that the Irish Government were looking to implement tax breaks to encourage games developers to move to Ireland. That is all the more concerning given what we know of Ireland’s ability to attract high-investment technology companies to its shores—its banks notwithstanding. I am referring to companies such as Microsoft and Apple.

That is why I am calling on the UK Government to reconsider their approach to Government support for the industry. There is a significant risk that our industry will be further outmanoeuvred by countries such as Canada, Ireland and the United States and we will lose the investment that communities such as those in my constituency cannot do without.

[Jim Sheridan (Paisley and Renfrewshire North) (Lab)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend on securing this debate, which is important for jobs in Dundee. As he rightly identified, just five weeks before the general election, both coalition partners promised that they would introduce tax breaks for the industry. Has my hon. Friend had any indication as to why that policy has changed?

[Jim McGovern]

I thank my hon. Friend for his intervention. I can quote from the evidence taken by the Select Committee on Scottish Affairs, which conducted an inquiry into this subject. It was said in that Committee that on 29 March—just five weeks before the general election—the then shadow Minister said that the Conservatives were

“going to support tax breaks for the video games industry…We are fully behind game tax breaks. This is my unequivocal statement. It’s been approved by George Osborne.”

However, in the very first Budget, in June 2010, they scrapped that. I have never heard a reasonable explanation of why that happened. Perhaps this afternoon we will hear one.