Defence Command Paper Refresh

Debate between Jack Lopresti and Ben Wallace

Tuesday 18th July 2023 Commons Chamber

[Mr Wallace]

I am just looking up page 89, which says that, to counter these threats,

“we will step up our efforts to deliver an Integrated Air and Missile Defence approach.”

We are doing that across NATO, integrated with NATO, and working with the Germans and the French. We are already starting that. We have signed up to the process. [Interruption.] We are starting it now. Last month, we started to examine what Europe and NATO need to have the right integrated air defence to protect its territory. The starting point is to find out what we need. There is no point in us rushing out and buying long-range air defence missiles if the long range can be done from a ship in the channel. There is no point rushing out and buying very short range if we are not deploying from our bases in Tidworth.

So, first, we have already started doing the overall survey of what needs to be done. Secondly, we have started investing in our next generation of GBAD—ground-based air defence—our medium-range air defence capability. And we have recognised that we are short of our long-range air defence capability by investing—[Interruption.] We are already doing it. I do not know where the hon. Gentleman has been for the past two years. If he actually paid attention to this, he would realise that we have started investing in the extended-range missile for the Type 45; we have started increasing the number of batteries of our GBAD; and we have managed to export our GBAD to Poland in a £2 billion export deal. So we have started this, but the first thing to do is recognise that we put together the right profile of air defence because, as he will know, it is layered, so we have to get the right layers. If we do not get the right layers, we look like some of those countries such as Russia, which just buy big profile things that cannot talk to each other and then they get whacked.

[Jack Lopresti (Filton and Bradley Stoke) (Con)]

May I begin by thanking my right hon. Friend for his service and leadership? Does anything in this Command Paper address the barriers and bureaucracy that are hindering Ukrainian defence manufacturers and British defence manufacturers from collaborating effectively together? Such collaboration would help the Ukrainians to liberate their country and enhance our own capability and supply chain.

[Mr Wallace]

There is certainly an odd thing that I observe in the Department: I cannot understand why the procurement speed and delivery in our Kindred, our operation to gift and support Ukraine, cannot be normal for us. I see our procurement in parallel. Some of that is about assurances. If we are going to fly drones over people in this country, we require much higher levels of assurances; the Civil Aviation Authority and so on absolutely require that. When you are in war, some of those levels can drop. Some of it is simply about that, but in other areas it is one lesson we are looking at through Defence Equipment and Support to understand how we can bring that into our main procurement and delivery.

Oral Answers to Questions

Debate between Jack Lopresti and Ben Wallace

Monday 13th March 2023 Commons Chamber

[Mr Wallace]

First, I am not sure where the hon. Gentleman gets that we will not get the 3% to avoid the cuts. At the moment, it will be a decision on the balance of investments. He will see in the Command Paper how we apportion any savings that we have to make as a result of inflation, but overall, as I have said, our equipment programme and, indeed, our envelope are on track, subject to inflation pressures and extra operational commitments that we have made. He will also be aware that we have had an extra £560 million on top of that for restocking ammunition, and we have also had commitments from the Treasury on new for old and much of the gifting. I believe that the Army will be in a good state throughout this process, and I will make sure that when it comes to the Defence Command Paper, he gets a full read-out of why and how we make those decisions.

[Jack Lopresti (Filton and Bradley Stoke) (Con)]

T10. What steps is my right hon. Friend’s Department taking to support small and medium-sized enterprises in the defence sector that are adversely affected by the application of environmental, social and governance criteria, making it very difficult for them to raise capital to invest in their business and expand?

Oral Answers to Questions

Debate between Jack Lopresti and Ben Wallace

Monday 7th November 2022 Commons Chamber

[Mr Wallace]

First, we expect General Dynamics to stick within the terms of its contract, and we will stick to our side of the contract. The user validation trials, which are the first steps in getting this Ajax programme back on track, have now been completed. We are looking at the results and hope to start the next phase soon, which is good news all round.

[Jack Lopresti (Filton and Bradley Stoke) (Con)]

What plans does my right hon. Friend have to further invest in and enhance our sovereign defence manufacturing capability, which not only provides us with a massive strategic benefit but is great for jobs and apprenticeships?

[Mr Wallace]

When we published the defence Command Paper, we committed to invest £23 billion in our land capabilities over the next 10 years—a significant investment in land. That was accompanied by a land industrial strategy. It has also been accompanied by a defence and security industrial strategy that puts a lot of weight on ensuring that we support a sovereign supply chain where possible, and that we invest in skills. A number of working groups in Government are designed to do just that, and to both improve the skills base, but also to ensure that, where possible, we get the best social value and indeed a British supply chain.

Data Breach: ARAP Applicants in Afghanistan

Debate between Jack Lopresti and Ben Wallace

Tuesday 21st September 2021 Commons Chamber

[Mr Wallace]

I am looking at that, both in case management—some case management should already be being used—and in mailing provision. If we do a mass mail, how can we improve that—Mailchimp or that type of thing.

[Jack Lopresti (Filton and Bradley Stoke) (Con)]

Our nation owes a huge debt of gratitude and honour to the people who helped our forces when they were deployed for 20 years in Afghanistan. Can my right hon. Friend confirm that the offer to relocate and assist in bringing them back is open-ended, and we will do whatever we can, even if it takes years to do it, to open up and offer that assistance and help?

Oral Answers to Questions

Debate between Jack Lopresti and Ben Wallace

Monday 20th September 2021 Commons Chamber

[Mr Wallace]

We published a consultation on a number of proposals for the visa system around Commonwealth soldiers. We will be publishing a response very soon and the hon. Gentleman will get the answers he requires.

[Jack Lopresti (Filton and Bradley Stoke) (Con)]

My hon. Friend has already referred to the great economic benefits resulting from the £400 million investment in enhancing C-17 Chinook capability, but does he agree that it will also help us to ensure that we can continue to undertake complex operations like the recent withdrawal from Afghanistan, where C-17 transport aircraft played a key role?

Integrated Review: Defence Command Paper

Debate between Jack Lopresti and Ben Wallace

Monday 22nd March 2021 Commons Chamber

[Mr Wallace]

We are not going to spend billions increasing the number of nuclear weapons. In 2016, the House voted collectively for a nuclear deterrent—I am sure the hon. Member did not, and certainly the leader he used to follow did not either. That is what it believes, and I think the number of people who do not believe it are probably joining the hon. Member in the room where he asked the question.

[Jack Lopresti (Filton and Bradley Stoke) (Con)]

I congratulate and thank my right hon. Friend for his statement. The review specifically refers to a more productive integration of the reserve forces. Will he give a bit more detail on that and confirm that the reserves have to remain a vital part of our whole force structure?

[Mr Wallace]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right that they are really important; they are more important than they have ever been. Looking across the three services, some services embrace them well and some could do a lot more. I have already started the process of trying to remove barriers—for example, by ensuring that the attitude in the Department to using reserves is not as a last resort, but as an integral part of what we wish to do. RF30 will report soon. No doubt, my hon. Friend will interested in the results. In response to covid, there has been seamlessness between reserves and regulars across the services. We need to embrace that even more to ensure that the men and women who want to contribute to this country’s defence—no matter who they are—can do so and can bring those skills to bear.

Counter-Daesh Update

Debate between Jack Lopresti and Ben Wallace

Wednesday 22nd July 2020 Commons Chamber

[Mr Wallace]

I will do my best to answer all the questions. I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for his support of the counter-Daesh actions.

The right hon. Gentleman asks whether the number of strikes has increased. I can write to him with the details of the total global coalition strikes, but I can say that United Kingdom strikes have increased in the past few months, although that is mainly a reflection of the functioning Government of Iraq and a better outcome that they are requiring and requesting in support. He might remember that the previous Government were in a state of paralysis and then on a number of occasions not functioning. The increase in strikes is mainly a reflection of what we have seen since then, but I am happy to write to him and clarify more the overall coalition responses.

On NATO and training, NATO has sought to see where it can step in and support specifically in the areas of training, security improvements, nation building and so on. It has not progressed as fast as needed, because of covid and the quietness at the beginning of the year, from both the threat and everything else. Also, many of the traditional partners we work with feel that their training has been completed. Therefore, we are working with NATO and the Iraqis to see where else we can assist. We stand ready to do more, and we are exploring more.

At the same time, in answer to the question whether more NATO means less US, the outcome of the US security dialogue will, I think, be the next stage where we will be able to understand what more we can do. We all recognise that the previous Iraqi Parliament passed a non-binding resolution asking the United States forces to leave. That only becomes binding if the Iraqi Government act on it. The new Iraqi Government have said they continue to require coalition support, and that is why the security dialogue is ongoing at the moment.

The right hon. Gentleman also asks about the dispersal of Daesh into other safe spaces. It is absolutely the case, as he rightly points out, that safe spaces have been identified by Daesh, such as the Chad basin in west Africa, and indeed we see Daesh active in Afghanistan and Somalia. There is definitely a terrorist threat in west Africa—not all Daesh, but certainly an extremist, radical, militant, Salafi-type threat. That is why the French mission in Mali is supported by a squadron of our Chinook helicopters. At the end of this year, 250 British soldiers will deploy as part of the UN multidimensional integrated stabilisation mission in Mali—MINUSMA—to improve the security situation in that part of the country. For us, it is not only about helping our allies, the French and other European nations there, but about ensuring that the knock-on effect of a destabilised west Africa does not end up on the shores of the Mediterranean and cause another immigration crisis, as we have seen in the past, and that is something we are working towards.

On the repatriation of child refugees, as the right hon. Gentleman will know, we took the path of identifying the most vulnerable in refugee camps—either surrounding Syria or where they were—and bringing them back and repatriating them to this country to give them the support they need. It is my understanding that we have done that for over 20,000 of them. As for his comments about Syrian children in Europe, I will have to get back to him about that. However, the Government have made our position clear that we felt the best way to help in that situation was to take refugees from in-theatre, and other European countries should stand by their obligations towards refugees and asylum seekers. In addition, the Foreign Secretary has made it very clear that if children are identified in Syria, for example, who are vulnerable or orphaned and so on, we will explore in every case, on a case-by-case basis, what we can do to help those children as well—whether by bringing them back to this country or making sure they get the help they need.

[Jack Lopresti (Filton and Bradley Stoke) (Con)]

I thank my right hon. Friend for his statement to the House. The Kurdish peshmerga and the Iraqi army united with the global coalition to help destroy the brutal Daesh caliphate, but Daesh is now regrouping in territories disputed between the Kurds and the Iraqis. Does my right hon. Friend agree that this underlines the vital importance of our actively helping Baghdad and Irbil resolve their differences in military and political matters?

[Mr Wallace]

It is vital, for all the people of Iraq and Syria, that we get as much stability as possible. It is incredibly important that we work with the Kurds and the Iraqis to ensure that, where there are differences, they are sorted out or negotiated. Indeed, we should work with both Turkey and Kurdish forces to make sure that they both accommodate each other and that they understand there is often a common need for them to work together, or certainly that it is in their common interest to defeat Daesh and al-Qaeda.

Oral Answers to Questions

Debate between Jack Lopresti and Ben Wallace

Monday 10th June 2019 Commons Chamber

[Jack Lopresti (Filton and Bradley Stoke) (Con)]

11. What steps he is taking to provide security and law enforcement organisations with the tools that they need to counter terrorism.

[The Minister for Security and Economic Crime (Mr Ben Wallace)]

A review of powers was undertaken as part of our updated comprehensive counter-terrorism strategy, CONTEST, and the lessons learned from the attacks of 2016 and 2017 were incorporated. Following the review, the Government launched the Counter-Terrorism and Border Security Act, which received Royal Assent on 12 February 2019.

[Jack Lopresti]

Our security services are world class, but we know that co-ordination is key, so does my right hon. Friend agree that negotiating security co-operation with our European partners and neighbours and strengthening our alliances around the world should be top post-Brexit priorities?

[Mr Wallace]

Yes, I can reassure the House that intelligence sharing will go on unchanged. The relationship between intelligence services under national security, irrespective of our status within Europe, will not diminish, and the same goes for our status within the Five Eyes community—a strong partnership for intelligence. In addition, when it comes to law enforcement tools, our relationships are also underpinned by the 1957 Council of Europe convention on extradition and the 1959 European convention on mutual assistance in criminal matters, and those will continue no matter what the settlement is.

Foreign Fighters and the Death Penalty

Debate between Jack Lopresti and Ben Wallace

Monday 23rd July 2018 Commons Chamber

[Mr Wallace]

I do not think that I need to guide the right hon. Gentleman not to quote from a ministerial source on any day of the week, and I would advise any colleagues against doing so. That ministerial source, whoever it may be, is wrong.

[Jack Lopresti (Filton and Bradley Stoke) (Con)]

Will my right hon. Friend confirm that it is a vital strategic priority of our Government to work as closely as possible with the United States on a range of national security issues, and to assist us in our fight against international terrorism and extremism to help to keep our people safe?

[Mr Wallace]

My hon. Friend has made an important point. Every week, the United States and our European allies share evidence and intelligence that keep us safe. They are our friends in this ever-unstable world. It is incredibly important that we stay close to all our allies and continue in partnership both to prosecute people where they pose a threat—if it is here, then here, but if it is not, elsewhere, in the countries that share our values—and to share intelligence in order to make sure that all of us keep safe.

International Military Sales Ltd

Debate between Jack Lopresti and Ben Wallace

Tuesday 11th March 2014 Westminster Hall

[Mr Ben Wallace (Wyre and Preston North) (Con)]

It is a delight to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Dorries. May I draw attention to my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests? I have been the chairman of the all-party group on Iran for the past nine years, and I am a former overseas director for the aerospace company Qinetiq.

I want to highlight the relationship between International Military Services Ltd and the Ministry of Defence, and a specific case as it relates to Iran. It is a sorry passage in our history and the UK’s relationship with that country. It is not only a sorry story, but un-British in that the process that I will describe has been marred by double dealing and obfuscation. The Minister will be relieved to know that I am not talking about recent history; I am talking about way back in the 1960s and 1970s.

In the days of the nationalised defence industry, the British Government established a private limited company as its trading arm to sell weapons and aerospace equipment abroad and munitions to overseas buyers, mostly to other Governments. A lot has changed since then and the aerospace industry has been almost completely privatised. For that reason, in 1991 it was decided to wind up this little shell company that was wholly owned by the Government. It would have been wound up, but for one problem—a debt owed by that company to the Government of Iran, equivalent to between £400 million and £500 million.

The debt may explain why, 23 years later, the company still exists. What was the cause of the debt and what should we do to put it right? Between 1971 and 1976, the Shah of Iran paid up front—quite rare in those days, and even today—the equivalent of £650 million for 1,500 Chieftain tanks and armoured vehicles. When in 1979 the revolution deposed the Shah, Britain quite rightly ceased those exports until the country had settled down and we clearly knew its intentions.

However, we chose not to return the equivalent of the £450 million that Iran had paid us. Instead, we sold the tanks to Saddam Hussein, who then proceeded to use a number of those tanks against the people of Iran. I think it is widely accepted that the west’s support for Saddam Hussein was a catastrophic error. That period of history is well behind us, and I hope we will not make such mistakes again. However, since that time, and despite Iran’s attempts through the rule of law to access the funds owed, the UK has held on to them.

I am not here to urge the British Government to break the successful sanctions regime, but I am here to urge that we honour the debt once and for all.

[Jack Lopresti (Filton and Bradley Stoke) (Con)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend on securing this debate. If the matter were to be resolved, what impact would it have on the sanctions that Iran has to adhere to, given what we know about some of their motivations and activities?

[Mr Wallace]

There would be no impact, because in this country we have the facility of the High Court. The funds are already held by the High Court on behalf of the Government, but should the High Court make a ruling, or a settlement be reached, they could be handed over within the parameter of the High Court and held until such time as they were unfrozen through the sanctions licensing scheme or made available as a result of a change to sanctions. This is not about releasing funds tomorrow morning to the Iranian Government, but about putting a wrong right, putting our relationship with Iran on a more open and just footing, and, hopefully, putting the matter right.

However, I am afraid that this matter does not quite end there, because Britain and Iran are signatories to the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague, an international treaty whereby we effectively arbitrate over contracts. In 2001, the court ruled in favour of Iran to recover the debt. The onus is on the United Kingdom to honour its treaty obligations.

If we fast-forward to 2013, however, we find that Iranian officials, who had set out from Iran with UK visas issued by the Foreign Office, come to this country to access the services of the commercial court. On landing at Heathrow, their passports are removed from them, their visas are revoked and they are detained for a number of days in asylum centres. That was not a particularly British way to resolve an issue, especially given that we had only recently issued their visas. It was a worrying sign.

To date, the Home Office has not been willing to give me a full explanation of the reasons behind the officials’ detention. However, I am sure that the Home Office will be careful, because any court—any judge—would look very poorly on something that is done without a valid reason, as this case involves access to legitimate justice and our courts. Let me be clear: I am not seeking to change the sanctions regime and I am not seeking to hand this money over. However, in the current environment, in which we are trying to put UK-Iran relations on a better footing, I am seeking a swift settlement for all parties.

Across a range of areas, Iranian entities that are not under sanction and are not involved in any way with the Iranian Government are suffering as a result of the UK’s fear about extraterritorial US sanctions. That is because many of those sanctions, while they do not deal with US companies, have an extraterritorial reach that can unfortunately leave many British entities with a Hobson’s choice—trade with us or trade with Iran.

We are now in the rather perverse position in which the US Government are issuing letters of comfort to US banks to allow them to trade with Iran, and to allow them to have approved and licensed financial transactions with Iran, while our banks are receiving no such comfort or protection from the reach of Congress. American banks in the US are protected from Congress by the US Administration, but British banks are thrown to the lions.

As sanctions become a more common foreign policy tool—with some success; they have certainly helped to contribute to the process of Iran coming to the table—we in Britain should make it very clear that we will follow the rule of law, fill in the detail and ensure that sanctions are clearly adhered to. However, that does not discharge us from our outstanding obligations.

Previously, there have been numerous rulings in the UK, Germany and the US courts that clearly distinguish the difference between the discharge of an obligation by a party—in this case, the obligation of International Military Sales Ltd to the Iranians—and the payment of the funds to a designated entity. They are two separate issues and to conflate them, as people have tried to in the past, supposedly as a reason for not resolving this matter, is to put unnecessary and unreal barriers in the way.

I would like to hear from the Minister. I am grateful to him for coming to Westminster Hall today, because I am aware, as chairman of the all-party group on Iran, that Iran policy is way above my pay grade. It is made by the P5+1, and in No. 10 and the White House. However, I would be very grateful if the Minister at least recognised the importance of resolving this matter. We should wind up the company, which has existed in limbo for 35 years, and we should discharge the MOD’s obligation to a brass plate somewhere else in London. We can then put this sorry tale behind us.