The noble Baroness, Lady Cox, is quite right. We have to ensure that the implementation of the original peace agreement is taken forward and the troika have a lot to add to this. It must not be ignored, in particular the peace agreement’s reform pillars of demilitarising South Sudan, injecting transparency of public finances, and pursuing justice and reconciliation.
Returning to the point made by the most reverend Primate, the key players are the African nations themselves—the condemnation by the African Union is extremely welcome—but they appear ineffectual in these circumstances. Can the noble Lord tell us more about the direct contact with neighbouring countries—not only Kenya but Uganda—and what influence they can have in this really dangerous situation?
The noble Lord is quite correct that the way to go forward is by engaging with other countries in the region particularly through IGAD. Other countries in the region can have a strong influence on South Sudan. That is the way forward.
Noble Lords may jest, but it is quite right that these points should be examined. I assure the noble Lord that we will look at this and see whether there is any more information I can give him.
My Lords, sometimes, unfortunately, horse trading can take place at the United Nations and the issues that concern us most are put aside for other reasons. This week, we have seen the much more open and transparent process for the appointment of the UN Secretary-General. Half the declared nominees are women. What are the chances of a woman being elected Secretary-General in September?
My Lords, I would not try to second-guess the General Assembly, but the noble Lord was in his place during a debate last year when my noble friend Lady Anelay responded on behalf of the Government. She emphasised the importance of structure and transparency in the election of future UN Secretaries-General. While we want to encourage as many women candidates as possible, we want to see the best person for the job, no matter what gender.
My Lords, the noble Lord mentioned the work relating to Libya. I think that we are in phase 2A of Operation Sophia, which involves conducting operations on the high seas against smuggling vessels operating outside Libyan territories. So far, 98 smuggling vessels have been destroyed, 61 suspected smugglers have been arrested and more than 11,500 people have been rescued.
My Lords, according to press reports last week, apparently the UK Government have sent eight people to Greece to assist in the arrangements with Turkey. Is that the case, and will the Government send more people? What steps are all departments—particularly the FCO, DfID and the Home Office—taking to ensure that we have a properly co-ordinated approach to this crisis?
My Lords, I think the noble Lord refers to the small team that has been sent to Athens. Basically, at the moment we are assessing where we can help most. I know that it is a small team but it is an expert one. As I said, it is looking to see where we can help most. As regards co-ordination in Whitehall, the Home Office, DfID, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the Ministry of Defence and the Cabinet Office hold regular meetings to co-ordinate efforts, and ministerial-level meetings take place regularly to provide strategic leadership. I should also add that my noble friend Lord Bates, who is now walking in South America, instigated meetings among all Ministers in this House associated with this area to look at how we could improve the ways that we keep the House informed.
My Lords, the right reverend Prelate will be aware that in January of this year we published an evaluation of the impact of the April 2015 regulations. Ministers will consider the findings carefully before deciding on the next steps, including the possible timing of the next review of stakes and prizes.
My Lords, with casinos on practically every high street and mobile online gambling where there is no limit, it is clear that regulations and legislation need to keep up with technology. What is overdue—the Minister tried to respond to this in the debate last week—is the triennial review of betting limits. He would not commit then but will he commit today? It is overdue. It is important that this issue is addressed, including FOBTs. Will he announce today the start of that triennial review?
My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Collins, as well as the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, both mentioned this point towards the end of the speeches in the excellent debate we had on Friday. I have nothing new to add at the moment. I just reiterate that my honourable friend Tracey Crouch, the Minister for Sport, keeps a special eye on this. She has a special interest in this issue. The Government are open-minded on the review and will set out their views in due course.
Which means, my Lords, that it is overdue. The last one took 12 months to conduct, so by the time it reaches a conclusion it will be well overdue—it will have taken nearly five years—so it will not be a triennial review any more.
Well, my Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Collins, for making it perfectly clear. I realise that I have not been able to give any dates on this and I will ensure that the House is made aware as soon as any decision is made.
My Lords, I thank the noble Earl for repeating the Answer to the Urgent Question. Mr Tobias Ellwood reiterated several times in the other place this morning that action needs to be evidence-based. We have a UN panel of experts report documenting breaches of international law. Whether the Government have received the report officially or not, these are matters that require urgent and proper investigation. Does the Minister believe that it is sufficient to leave these serious breaches of IHL to a conversation with the Saudi Government, especially as there is a clear risk that British items might be used? What assurances can the Minister give the House that these matters will be properly investigated? Will he set out the exact nature of the involvement of UK personnel working with the Saudi military? Can he confirm whether the Government have received any reports from these UK personnel of actions that might constitute a potential breach of international humanitarian law?
Given the detail of the UN panel’s report and the seriousness of its findings, surely it is right for the Government now to suspend arms sales to Saudi Arabia until a proper investigation, which is required, is properly concluded.
My Lords, I thank the noble Lord for his contribution. The noble Lord mentioned the report of the panel of experts, the subject of which was brought up in the Statement in the other place. Although this is a leaked document, we are aware of the report and are looking at the conclusions carefully. We recognise the importance of the work of the UN panel of experts and we are taking the allegations raised in the report very seriously. We are continuing more than conversations; in fact, we have been urging on these matters for months, since I answered a Question on Yemen back at the end of October, when my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary had just been to Saudi Arabia and discussed this subject with Saudi authorities.
I also confirm that my honourable friend Mr Elwood was in Saudi Arabia earlier this week, when a number of such matters were discussed. The noble Lord, Lord Collins, also asked about the military involvement of United Kingdom forces. I can say that British personnel are not involved in carrying out strikes, directing or conducting operations in Yemen or selecting targets, and are not involved in the Saudi targeting decision-making process.
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Lords ChamberI do not think that we are at present, but what also concerns us is what is happening in Hong Kong in the media and the publishing sector, where books are being published that could perhaps be deemed critical of the Beijing leadership. There is a certain amount of self-regulation going on, which cannot be a good thing.
My Lords, obviously our thoughts are very much with those who have disappeared and, in particular, for their welfare, but at least one of them is a British citizen. What does the Minister think the implications are of the Chinese Foreign Minister’s statement, in which he said that, based on the basic law of Hong Kong and Chinese nationality law, the person in question is first and foremost a Chinese citizen? China does not and will not recognise dual nationality of its own citizens, so what are the implications of that statement in the light of this case?
My Lords, perhaps there are two things that I can tell the House and the noble Lord. First, with respect to this individual case an initial report was made to the police by the wife of Mr Lee Bo. She later withdrew that complaint but the police are still carrying out the investigation. In addition, Mr Lee holds a British passport and, in line with this, we stand ready to offer consular assistance to him and his family.
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Lords ChamberMy Lords, the noble Lord and I took part in a debate only last week about the music industry and small venues. Many of us reiterated during it how important music is, as far as exports are concerned, for the overall economy. The noble Lord also talked about education relating to music. As far as GCSE music is concerned, there is a rise in that sector, but of course we all take due account of what the noble Lord said.
The Minister interpreted the Question again but, on the key point, why the U-turn, bearing in mind that the department and the Select Committee reinforced the need for separation between VisitEngland and VisitBritain? What has caused this U-turn? Is it the Chancellor of the Exchequer cutting off his nose to spite his face, or does the Minister have an alternative view?
My Lords, as noble Lords will be aware, the whole issue relating to the triennial review, which I think is what the noble Lord is getting to grips with, is that it was brought in by the Public Bodies Act 2011, in the early part of the coalition Government. We remain committed to the principle of the review, including the importance of ensuring clarity of roles for the tourist boards. But, as I said earlier, we have decided not to proceed with the separation of the two bodies because greater collaboration will enable us to extend the reach and impact of both brands. Separation would also incur costs and we decided that the money could be better spent on growing the visitor economy.
My Lords, we continue at all times, as the noble Lord is aware, to have talks at the highest level on all these issues.
My Lords, in view of the reports of violations of serious international human rights law committed by parties in Yemen, does the Minister support the establishment of an international commission of inquiry to investigate these allegations?
My Lords, the UN Human Rights Council, which I think the noble Lord was referring to, has no mandate to call for IHL investigations. Resolutions contain mechanisms for monitoring the human rights situation in Yemen. There was recently an agreement on a single text in the Human Rights Council to call for consensual resolution of the position in Yemen.
My Lords, I beg to move that the Committee consider the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (Immunities and Privileges) Order 2015. The order was laid before the House on 12 October, and it gives authority for immunities, privileges, reliefs and exemptions to this new international organisation, also known as the AIIB, under the International Organisations Act 1968.
Before going into the details of the order, I would like to set the context by saying a few words about the bank and its link with our prosperity objectives. These recognise that, as we continue our business-led recovery, one of our greatest strengths is our openness to global markets. The fast-growing markets of the emerging economies are becoming ever more important to global trade, British business and our values. The United Kingdom must continue to play a significant role in developing these markets, as well as the global economy. Equally, we must expand into areas where we are economically under represented.
China is at the heart of this. Last week’s state visit by the President of China demonstrated the scale of the opportunities that lie in deeper co-operation between our two nations. A key component of opportunity and growth in Asia is and will continue to be infrastructure. Requirements for infrastructure in Asia are estimated to expand substantially over the next 10 years: the Asian Development Bank estimates the value of these at $8 trillion. Satisfying this need is not only vital for driving growth and increasing living standards in the region, but will benefit the whole global economy, creating new opportunities for British business.
The UK has expertise in areas ranging from green investment, infrastructure and engineering to accountancy and project management. Add to that our world-leading position in finance and we see that a host of businesses around the country and across a variety of sectors are well-placed to take advantage of the opportunities offered by the world’s fastest-growing economies. There are also significant opportunities for the financial sector in London. This order ensures that London is in a strong position to take advantage of opportunities that arise from the AIIB.
Key to enabling effective support for infrastructure development in the region is ensuring that the AIIB is well-established as a high-quality and well-functioning international organisation. That is why the United Kingdom has taken such a strong role in supporting the AIIB. Our announcement in March this year of our desire to become a prospective founding member was the first by any major western country. Germany, France and many others have now followed. There is significant advantage in being involved from the beginning. Working to shape the bank in the British interest and ensuring that it follows the model and learning of other established institutions will help the new bank to meet the highest governance standards for an international institution.
I turn now to the details of the order. The formal laying of the treaty in Parliament under the Constitutional Reform and Governance Act 2010 was undertaken on 4 September. This order is part of the UK’s ratification and provides the privileges and immunities to enable the bank to function as an international organisation in the United Kingdom. This is part of the requirements laid out in the articles of agreement signed in June for the UK by the Commercial Secretary to the Treasury, and is in line with requirements in other international organisations of which the UK is a member.
The order applies to the whole of the United Kingdom. However, some provisions of the instrument do not extend to, or apply in, Scotland. A separate Scottish Order in Council has been prepared to deal with those provisions within the legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament and has been laid before it. We will of course take a significant interest in the bank’s operations. We have been and will continue to be active players. I beg to move.
My Lords, as the Minister highlighted, UK involvement and investment in this Chinese-led AIIB was first proposed in March. We then became the first major western country to apply to be a founding member—followed quickly, as he said, by Germany, France, Italy, Switzerland and Luxembourg. I also note what the noble Earl said about joining the AIIB being a further step in the Government’s plan to build a closer political and economic relationship with China and the Asia region. But as we heard in debates last week during the state visit, our involvement is not simply a neutral business matter. In that developing relationship, there are issues of human rights and other concerns that we do not wish to ignore, particularly given the debate we had on religious freedom.
As the order—and the news—has said, the UK will make a capital contribution of £2 billion to the AIIB. However, at the time we made our announcement in March, the White House, on behalf of the US Government, issued a statement.
My Lords, when I was so rudely interrupted, I was in the middle of a sentence. I began to quote the White House statement at the time of our announcement that we were joining the AIIB. The statement said that the White House had concerns about whether the AIIB would meet high standards,
“particularly related to governance, and environmental and social safeguards … The international community has a stake in seeing the AIIB complement the existing architecture, and to work effectively alongside the World Bank and Asian Development Bank”.
I understand that the United States has revised its opinions and that the concerns that it previously expressed have been addressed. In particular, AIIB president designate Jin Liqun, in an FT article that I read on 25 October, vowed to run a “clean, lean and green” institution, operating to the highest international standards, but with greater speed than its rivals. Liqun said that the AIIB,
“would abide by the toughest environmental and social standards in its lending and model itself in many ways on existing multilateral development banks”.
The thing is, China will hold 26% voting shares, which is almost double the proportion of United States voting shares in the World Bank, which is dominated by and hosted in Washington. As the articles of association stipulate, China will have veto power on issues that require a supermajority vote, such as the board, the president and the capital, as well as the major operational and financial policies. Retention of a veto no doubt reflects China’s determination to retain control of key aspects of the bank. I am certainly aware that the Philippines is very concerned by the potential veto power that China will hold.
Given the original concerns raised by the White House and the White House National Security Council, what reassurances have the Government received that the AIIB will retain strong environmental, social and governance standards? Despite the good words of the bank’s president designate, what steps have the Government taken to ensure that standards are upheld and kept under appropriate scrutiny and review?
What assessment have the Government made of how the new investment bank will sit alongside and work effectively with the IMF, the World Bank and other global institutions? How do we ensure that it behaves in a complementary and co-ordinated fashion rather than becoming duplicative and suboptimal in its effectiveness?
Finally, just under a week ago the Minister addressed in the Chamber the question of unpaid parking fines and London congestion charge payments by diplomatic missions and international organisations. It appears that this order may add to the number of inviolable organisations—I hope the Minister appreciates how I pronounced that word because I am expecting a reciprocal arrangement in terms of pronunciation—so what steps have the Government taken to ensure that, in the event of unpaid tickets arising from this new bank, it pays up?
My Lords, I thank the noble Lord for his contribution to our debate on the AIIB. The raison d’être of this is to continue building a strong economy in an increasingly globalised world which requires good partnerships, deep co-operation and strong economic links. The noble Lord raised a number of issues, beginning primarily with human rights. I will use that general heading if the noble Lord will allow me. As part of our co-operation with China we discuss our values. We believe that human rights, prosperity and security are mutually reinforcing. The free flow of ideas and innovation is a driver of economic growth and a key element of democracy. We continue to discuss all aspects of human rights at the highest level.
The noble Lord also drew attention to US relations in respect of this agreement. As he will be aware, the UK remains a close ally of the United States. Where the United Kingdom led on the bank, others have followed. As the noble Lord said, they include Germany, France, Brazil and Australia. The recent Chinese state visit to the United States saw the US Government recognise what role the bank would play in the international financial architecture. During that state visit by the Chinese President, the Obama Administration reiterated their pleasure in backing China’s bid for inclusion of its currency, the renminbi, in an elite International Monetary Fund basket of reserve currencies as long as Beijing is declared worthy by the IMF.
A joint statement that was issued after the state visit to the United States and before the Chinese President came to the United Kingdom said that China intends to meaningfully increase its role as a donor in all these institutions. Both sides acknowledge that for new and future institutions to be significant contributors to the international financial architecture, these institutions, like the existing international financial institutions, are to be operated with the existing high environmental and governance standards. Both sides were keen to put any form of unpleasantness over the AIIB and any conflict over the governance of the existing regime behind them, as set out in President Xi’s public statements during his visit.
The noble Lord also raised a couple of issues relating to the bank. As I said earlier, the AIIB is committed to meeting the highest international standards and the UK has pushed hard for those environmental standards by ensuring that there is public consultation. The noble Lord also mentioned the minority holding of the Chinese in the bank—26% is still a minority. The veto stops action. It does not force action.
The noble Lord also mentioned unpaid parking fines. The AIIB will receive the same immunities and privileges to enable it to function. With regard to parking fines, privileges and immunities are granted on a functional need basis. Careful consideration is given by Her Majesty’s Government to what organisations or their staff need. The number of immunities is thus tailored to need and we work with organisations to ensure that only what is needed is granted. The noble Lord will remember from that interesting exchange at Questions last week that at the highest level, when new heads of mission come to London, we express at all times the importance of payment of the congestion charge and parking fines.
I think that I have covered most of the points raised by the noble Lord. Should there be any that I have not as yet covered I will write to him. I thank noble Lords for their contributions.
My Lords, I do not want to get repetitive on this subject but, as I have said, we continue to press other countries in the United Nations about civilians in danger. However, at the moment, we do not feel that it is right to treat interpreters in the same way as journalists.
My Lords, the Minister explained that different packages are offered in Iraq and in Afghanistan. Can he explain why there is a difference, bearing in mind the circumstances of conflict going on in both countries?
My noble friend is quite right that people should be decently treated. From what has been happening, it is obvious that they are not being decently treated. I will pass his question on the UN Security Council to the department. As I have said, we have to cut the link in Eritrea. The Eritreans have said that they will keep their national service only for 18 months. Also, all the young men—up to 200 a day—are leaving Eritrea, so the workforce is disappearing.
My Lords, picking up on that point, there is evidence that national service conscripts are being deployed as labour in foreign-owned mines. Will the Minister support an ILO investigation and intervention on such claims of forced labour?
As the noble Lord is aware, Eritrea is very much a closed country. I was not aware of the forced labour incidents. I will of course pass this on to the department and, if there is any more information that I can give him, I will write to him.
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Lords ChamberMy Lords, I thank my noble friend for those questions. He mentioned first a factor relating to sponsors, and I will certainly raise it with my right honourable friend the Secretary of State. As my noble friend will be aware, my right honourable friend has already spoken of the need for sponsors to consider the reputational risk of continued association with FIFA, as well as the strong message it will send FIFA if they withdraw. Although that is ultimately a decision for the sponsors, I am sure they will not be in any doubt about the Government’s view of FIFA under Blatter’s leadership. My noble friend also mentioned a boycott of the World Cup. We agree that withdrawal from FIFA competitions by the FA should not happen at the expense of the players and fans, particularly if such a boycott is unlikely to achieve the aims of bringing reform to FIFA.
My Lords, I agree totally with the noble Lord’s stressing of the importance of sponsorship. Yesterday the Secretary of State said in the other place that no options should be ruled out at this stage. Why cannot the Government therefore agree with my honourable friend’s recommendation in the other place that there should be an urgent summit that would bring together the football authorities, the British sponsors and, more importantly, the broadcasters?
I thank the noble Lord for that question, which I think he asked yesterday, and I am afraid he is going to get a similar answer today. We do have this common position with all the parties involved that change is needed in FIFA, including at the very top. We will continue to work with sponsors, the home nation football associations and our counterparts in Europe. I must add that my right honourable friend the Secretary of State spoke to Mr Greg Dyke last week and yesterday, and he will do so again before Mr Dyke goes to Germany for the Champions League final next weekend, when there will be a congress before the match.
My Lords, since we last discussed football in your Lordships’ House, we have had bad news and good news. The bad news is that Sepp Blatter was re-elected FIFA president last Friday, albeit, as the noble Earl said, with 70 national associations feeling able to back a rival candidate. The good news is, of course, that on Saturday Arsenal won the FA Cup.
We all have a responsibility to protect our game—government, governing bodies, fans and businesses all have a role. We need to establish common cause and take united action to combat the culture of kickbacks and corruption. Will the Minister therefore support my honourable friend’s call in the other place for an urgent summit bringing together the football authorities, British sponsors and broadcasters? Will he also reassure the House that, rather than wait for the banks to investigate any potential misuse of funds, the police authorities will act immediately on the reports we have seen?
My Lords, I thank the noble Lord for those questions. He wishes the Government to convene a summit. We already have a common position. My right honourable friend the Secretary of State is in constant liaison with Greg Dyke, has spoken to him again today, and will speak again before the end of the week before Greg Dyke goes to Berlin for the football final there and a congress being held by UEFA beforehand. We will continue to work with the sponsors, the home nations’ football associations and our counterparts across Europe. I reiterate that our Minister for Sport has written to all her counterparts throughout Europe on this issue.
The noble Lord also mentioned the situation relating to any possible police investigation. As I understand the situation at present, Barclays, Standard Chartered and HSBC are carrying out an internal investigation. However, I also know that the SFO and the FCA will be keeping a very keen eye on what is going on.
My Lords, I thank the Minister for repeating that Question and congratulate him on his appointment. There are two points that I would like to press him on. The first is whether investigations have been undertaken in this country into whether British nationals and British banks have been involved. Is he confident that no licence fee money has found its way into corrupt hands?
My other concern relates to Qatar and the World Cup. I have raised the issue of human rights today; clearly, hundreds of workers have already died building the stadia there. Their human rights are being systematically abused. Will the Minister tell us what steps the Government are taking to press Qatar on those conditions and on its current kafala visa system? Also, what representations have the Government made to Qatar on the detention of BBC journalists investigating human rights abuses in Qatar?
My Lords, I thank the noble Lord for his very kind welcome once again to the Dispatch Box. It has been some long years since I last did it. He mentioned three points. On Qatar and the workers’ charter, we have very close relationships with Qatar, which we are continually keeping under review. In response to a request by FIFA on 12 February 2015, the supreme committee announced this workers’ charter, developed with the International Labour Organization, which seeks to protect the rights of migrant employees. The charter includes measures on health and safety, living and working conditions, wages and grievances. It also highlights plans to ensure that all workers are treated equally and fairly. We will keep a careful watch on what is happening.
The noble Lord also mentioned organisations and banks, and asked whether any investigations were ongoing in this country. It is currently too early to say, but no doubt the SFO will keep a very close watch on what is happening in both America and Switzerland, and will be taking great care to keep an eye on these events.
On the noble Lord’s third point, the BBC journalists have now been released. Great concerns were raised between ourselves and the Qatari Government, who claimed that the BBC crew trespassed on private property. The BBC has demanded a full explanation from the Qatari authorities, while FIFA issued a statement saying that it is to investigate this. Any instance relating to an apparent restriction of press freedom is a concern to FIFA.