Oral Answers to Questions

Debate between Caroline Nokes and Robert Buckland

Tuesday 8th October 2019 Commons Chamber

[Robert Buckland]

The hon. Lady and I have spoken about this case in the past. She is an assiduous campaigner on this and other issues, and I am grateful to her. The reforms to probation give us an opportunity to get that sort of risk assessment absolutely right. Ending the division between the National Probation Service and community rehabilitation companies will allow us to focus on the offender, rather than worrying about which part of the system they should be in. I am grateful to the hon. Lady for raising that issue.

[Caroline Nokes (Romsey and Southampton North) (Ind)]

My constituent Valerie Matcham’s grandson was killed by a single punch to the side of his head. Bradley’s killer was sentenced to just two years in prison, and the family are distraught at the thought that he could be out on licence after just one year. I am encouraged by my right hon. and learned Friend’s words and urge him to keep the views of families at the forefront of his mind when considering these difficult decisions.

[Robert Buckland]

My right hon. Friend raises a distressing case. It is perhaps not appropriate for me to comment on it individually, but I extend my deepest sympathy to the family and friends of that victim. It is precisely why we have decided to take action to try to create a higher degree of confidence for victims and their families when it comes to the administration of sentences.

Speech, Language and Communication Education

Debate between Caroline Nokes and Robert Buckland

Wednesday 19th June 2013 Westminster Hall

[Mr Buckland]

I am grateful to the hon. Lady for both those points. I will come to the concerns I share with her about Ofqual and GCSE English language in a little while, but let me deal with her first point, about early years. Often, we are talking about a pre-education setting and a health setting. I have long advocated the need for a proper, health-based assessment of speech, language and communication needs at the age of two, and I am supported by people such as Jean Gross, the communications champion. The Government are similarly committed to moving in that direction. With the increase in health visitor numbers—an extremely welcome initiative, which is already having an effect in places such as Swindon—and with extra training for health visitors and other professionals, we can start to identify a cohort of young people who, at the moment, are not being identified until early years education or, sometimes, even later.

[Caroline Nokes (Romsey and Southampton North) (Con)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend on securing this important debate. On pre-school and pre-early years, he makes an important point. A couple of constituents recently approached me with their son, who is pre-school age. As parents, they found it incredibly difficult to find the correct signposting for speech and language therapy for him. Does my hon. Friend agree that, although the increase in the number of health visitors may well help, it is imperative that they have the knowledge to allow them to refer parents and children on to the specialist help that can nip the problem in the bud and, therefore, prevent the significant problems he identified at key stage 4 and later life?

[Mr Buckland]

I entirely agree; indeed, I would go further. In Swindon, we are training staff in early years settings and children’s centres. We are training our health visitors in the skill of early identification and in the support strategies that can be put in place there and then. Despite the fact that Swindon’s child population is rapidly increasing—our population generally is increasing, and we expect it to grow from 209,000 last year to 240,000 in the next 15 years—the need for specialist referrals is staying stable. That is clearly important, because we are saving valuable resources by putting in early support to prevent issues from becoming acute and prevent the need for more specialist referrals. That is good for the child, good for the family and good for the provision of local services, at a time when resources are increasingly tight.

In that context, I am glad to commend my local authority for being flexible about the use of health and education funding, so that there is a link speech and language therapist in each mainstream school—in other words, the artificial division between sources of funding for health and education has been broken down, there is proper joint commissioning and people are intermeshed, rather than just working side by side. For example, speech and language therapists have been TUPE-ed over to the local authority, and there is a genuine coming together of services around the child. That must increasingly be the way forward for local authorities.

Let me deal briefly with the Children and Families Bill. In recent weeks and months, we have had much debate about it—I see that the hon. Member for Washington and Sunderland West (Mrs Hodgson), the shadow spokesperson, is in her place, and she joined in much of that debate in Committee and on Report last week—so I do not want to go over old ground. However, from the point of view of speech and language communication, it is important to deal with some of the concerns that remain, despite the general welcome for the Bill, and the warm welcome for the approach taken throughout Bill proceedings by the Under-Secretary of State for Education, my hon. Friend the Member for Crewe and Nantwich (Mr Timpson), who has responsibility for children and families, and for his engagement with the sector, as well as with families, children and young people who have an interest in, and passion for, this issue.

We have talked about early identification not only at pre-school level, but at the first opportunity, when the problem is identified. There are still concerns about how the Bill will ensure that the identification mechanisms will work across all phases of education. There needs to be clearer guidance across health, education and social care about how speech, language and communication needs are identified. Paragraph 11(a) of schedule 1 in the draft regulations in the indicative code of practice makes it clear that local offers must set out what speech and language therapy provision is available. That is welcome, but it would be helpful to have further clarity about how the draft regulations would ensure that those responsible for the quality and delivery of services can be held to account. The Minister has indicated that those are draft regulations and that there will be a full consultation later in the year, but today is a golden opportunity to highlight some of the work that needs to be done.

I have made the point many times to the Minister that it would be helpful to have a common framework in which local authorities could be guided to construct their offer. That would help us to have a consistency of approach to speech and language therapy. I am not asking for uniformity, but simply for a common framework within which local authorities can be guided towards best practice.

I welcome the Minister’s comments that children and young people with SEN who would not be eligible for a full education, health and care plan will continue to be tracked under the new framework, but further reassurances as to how that will function in practice would be welcome. We must avoid any compromise over the identification of the need. The imposition of a duty on health providers, which was the subject of an amendment tabled by my hon. Friend the Minister, was good news. That clearly reinforces the existing commitment in the Bill to impose a duty jointly to commission services. We had a long argument about the phrase “wholly or mainly”, and my hon. Friend the Minister is familiar with the issue. Until now, speech, language and communication needs have been identified as educational needs, and we hope that that will remain the case, and that it will be clear.

I welcome the declaration that communication and interaction are a primary need, in the draft code of practice, but there are concerns that the role of schools in SEN provision remains at the edge of the Bill; there is not a huge amount of detail about what responsibilities schools will have. That is important, bearing in mind the welcome move to the creation of academies and free schools, and the unintended consequence that that may have on long-term provision of speech and language therapy services locally. There is a tension, is there not, between the need to employ therapists on a medium or long-term basis and the short-term spending priorities of schools that must spend to budgets? Some further clarity about how academies can work collaboratively to commission services would be extremely helpful. It would regrettable if, through the welcome and admirable ethos of the new academy structure, we lost some of the long and medium-term thinking that is necessary in the commissioning of services from speech and language therapists.

My hon. Friend the Minister will, I know, update us on progress as much as he can, but I want to mention a couple of issues that I hope he will deal with. Early identification is the key to improving educational outcomes for children and young people with speech, language and communication needs, so will the Government introduce clear guidance to all health, education and social care providers on identifying those needs, to ensure that the needs of those we are dealing with—10% of the cohort—are met?

The creation of childminder agencies comes under part 4 of the Bill, but is relevant to the debate. I would welcome some clarity about how children with speech, language and communication needs will be identified and receive the support they need—particularly with respect to early years non-maintained settings.

Training has come up in some interventions, and I have already made a realistic acknowledgement of the limitations of resources. It is clear that staff knowledge of speech, language and communication needs is crucial for parents and young people with those issues. Currently, the universal work force has limited knowledge of speech, language and communication issues, and low confidence in identifying and supporting children with those difficulties—particularly hidden difficulties. However, historically, staff knowledge of speech, language and communication needs has been worryingly low.

That was demonstrated by research undertaken by Ofsted on the skills and knowledge of qualifying teachers, which identified that fewer than half had good or better skills, and concluded that

“not enough new teachers had consistent high-quality training during initial teacher education and induction to ensure that they developed good teaching skills, underpinned by a deep understanding of language development and the acquisition of literacy skills.”

Additionally, the research showed that 32%

“did not have sufficiently in-depth training in assessing pupils’ skills and knowledge in language and literacy to be able to use their judgements effectively”

for the planning of lessons and the provision of extra help. Evidence also shows that many early years staff feel inadequately equipped to help children with language delay, with more than 60% of teachers reporting that they lacked confidence in their ability to meet children’s language needs. Those are 2012 figures, so they are relevant and important. I should be grateful for further clarity about how teachers’ knowledge of speech, language and communication needs, and that of the wider education work force, is developing.

Beer Duty Escalator

Debate between Caroline Nokes and Robert Buckland

Thursday 1st November 2012 Commons Chamber

[Caroline Nokes (Romsey and Southampton North) (Con)]

I pay tribute to my hon. Friends the Members for Burton (Andrew Griffiths) and for Leeds North West (Greg Mulholland) for securing the debate. I agree with the hon. Member for Easington (Grahame M. Morris) that this is a powerful and important message for the Minister.

I also want to pay tribute to the right hon. Member for Southampton, Itchen (Mr Denham), my immediate constituency neighbour, who drew attention to the conversion of The Woodman pub in my constituency to a Tesco. I remind him that The Castle Inn has on occasion—I recollect this from the 2001 general election—played host to a polling station, which is evidence of a pub playing its role in the big society.

Historically, Romsey is a brewing town. I vividly recall from my primary school days the smell of the brew from Strong’s brewery hanging over the playground. On my 11th birthday the last brew began at Romsey brewery, but I am pleased to say that after a short gap Romsey is now host to a micro-brewery in Flack Manor, which brews some wonderful ales. The proprietor of Flack Manor, Nigel Welsh, and publicans in Romsey and Southampton North have forcefully told me that the beer duty escalator is deeply harmful to their commercial success. They are not alone; their opposition is shared by such august organisations as CAMRA and the Society of Independent Brewers.

The pub trade employs nearly 1,000 people in my constituency and contributes more than £14 million to the local economy, but publicans tell me that their trade is held back by a policy based on false assumptions about its social, economic and health benefits.

[Mr Robert Buckland (South Swindon) (Con)]

My hon. Friend highlights the contribution made to her local economy. In Swindon, 1,425 people are employed by the brewing and pub industry, which adds about £17.2 million to our local economy. The issue touches not just Romsey but every community in the country.

[Caroline Nokes]

My hon. Friend makes an excellent point. The economic argument is also flawed. As we have heard many times today, the amount of money raised through the Exchequer since the rise in beer duty in 2004 has failed to match the predicted levels of revenue. That has cost 5,000 jobs a year and VAT revenue has been lost through reduced beer sales.

The basic laws of supply and demand dictate that if the price of a commodity is increased, demand will fall. Demand for beer in pubs certainly has fallen. I am not suggesting that the beer duty escalator was the sole reason for the closure of pubs such as The Vine Inn in Stockbridge, or The Wheatsheaf in Braishfield, which has fortunately now reopened, but figures show that, despite the Olympic games and Euro 2012, in the three months to October this year pubs sold 117 million fewer pints than in the same period last year. I am not suggesting that nationally we are drinking less beer; we are simply changing our habits, giving an advantage to supermarkets over the traditional pub.

Before the introduction of the escalator, it was four times more expensive to drink in a pub than at home, but it is now 10 times more expensive. Beer sales in pubs are falling and the proportion of alcohol consumed outside that responsible, supervised environment is increasing. That brings me to my second point, about the benefits of the escalator to health and social policy. I believe that that merits close scrutiny. A recent study of the impact of alcohol pricing on consumption in Sweden produced some interesting results, showing mainly that increasing the price of alcohol in an attempt to reduce consumption might actually have the opposite effect, since drinkers who were buying more expensive brands simply switched to cheaper drinks and as a consequence bought and drank more. In other words, making it more expensive to drink in pubs simply pushes people to drink cheaper alcohol and possibly fuels binge drinking.

Binge drinking is a real and growing problem. Just last night Romsey police tweeted a picture of a massive quantity of alcohol they had seized from under-age drinkers. The beer duty escalator does nothing to prevent that. I give full credit to the local police for their action, and I encourage hon. Members to look at that photo on Twitter. It does not show alcohol bought at a pub—far from it. The cut-price bulk offers on alcohol in supermarkets often encourage parents to buy more, and that means easier access to large quantities of alcohol stored at home.

According to data from the World Health Organisation, alcohol consumption in the UK increased by approximately 4% between 1985 and 2003, whereas in Europe it decreased. Over the same period, alcohol-related harm has grown. For example, there were 8,758 alcohol-related deaths in 2006, twice as many as 15 years previously. The Government know this: in a preliminary assessment of the economic impacts of alcohol pricing policy, published by the Home Office in June 2010, the conclusion stated that duty increases are

“a ‘blunt instrument’ that does not target those drinkers who cause harms”.

The tax raises little revenue, causes unemployment and encourages binge drinking on cheap alcohol—and the taxpayer has to bear the burden.

I am on record as supporting minimum pricing for alcohol, but that does not in any way contradict my support for a review of the beer duty escalator. Major supermarket chains, such as Tesco, ruthlessly promote cut-price deals, so it is not the traditional public house, supplied by excellent local breweries, that promotes excessive drinking, but the supermarkets, which use their ability to buy and sell alcohol cheaply, often as loss leaders, to the detriment of the local pub, the local economy and the local community.