(10 years, 4 months ago)
Commons ChamberThank you, Madam Deputy Speaker.
Labour Members will oppose the R and D tax credit. There are the reforms to the carbon price floor, which will help manufacturing industry and ensure that the UK is not uncompetitive. They will vote against that, against the interests of businesses in their constituencies.
On the issue of pensions flexibility, the shadow Chief Secretary to the Treasury, the hon. Member for Nottingham East (Chris Leslie), said that the debate following the Budget was diverted by the attention on annuities, but it is fair to say that the Leader of the Opposition was not diverted by annuities in his response to the Budget. Since then, we have seen confusion from the Labour party. Labour Members have said that they are worried that people will spend recklessly and that that will create a burden on the public finances. They should know something about that, but they should not judge other people by their standards. The truth is that the Labour party does not trust the public with their money and that that feeling is mutual.
On the subject of avoidance, the Bill’s measures mean that £9 billion in additional revenue will be collected over the next five years. Avoidance will be tackled as a consequence of the Bill. It is also worth pointing out that HMRC’s yield over the course of this Parliament will be almost double its yield over the course of the previous Parliament. That is the progress that we have made on tax avoidance and evasion.
We are helping with the cost of living. There are hon. Members, including on the Opposition Benches, who have long campaigned for their constituents who have relatives in the Caribbean or south Asia. We are helping with air passenger duty, but Opposition Members will be voting against that measure.
On the starting rate of income tax for savers, we are cutting a 10p rate, not doubling a 10p rate. That will mean that 1 million more people will no longer pay tax on their savings. Opposition Members will be voting against that.
The personal allowance will increase to £10,000 this year and £10,500 next year. Opposition Members will be voting against that. Were they to succeed, the personal allowance in 2015-16 would be not £10,500, but £9,880. That would mean that millions of people would pay £124 a year more in tax as a consequence of the way that Labour votes.
Does my hon. Friend agree that raising the personal allowance to £10,500 will take 3.2 million people out of tax altogether and help 26 million families with an extra £800 per annum?
(10 years, 8 months ago)
Commons ChamberOur motivation—and, I am sure, that of any sensible Government—is to do everything we can to address the issue of youth unemployment. That means trying a number of approaches and adopting a number of policies. It is difficult to quantify the number of jobs that will be created as a consequence of the measure, because many factors will come into play, but we believe that it will be helpful none the less. As I said, the director-general of the CBI also believes that it will make a real difference in tackling the scourge of youth unemployment.
It is probably worth considering the fact that a lot of businesses, particularly retail businesses, work on very small margins. Does my hon. Friend agree that the extra money that they will receive through not having to pay this jobs tax will probably encourage them to hire a young person rather than someone who is over 21?
(10 years, 9 months ago)
Commons ChamberNo, not at all. There is a whole host of measures, including the regional growth fund, and there is some really good news; exports are up significantly in the west midlands and the north-east in particular. We are taking steps to strengthen industries up and down the country. The hon. Gentleman touches on the regional employers’ NICs holiday; let me turn to that, because I suspect that the policy will feature heavily in the arguments that we hear from Opposition Front Benchers.
The hon. Member for Carmarthen East and Dinefwr (Jonathan Edwards) made a good point about rebalancing the country’s economy. Is my hon. Friend the Minister aware that we have had the biggest growth in construction in six years? The Chancellor and the Treasury should be congratulated on ensuring that the Government are rebalancing financial services and manufacturing in the economy.
The striking point about the most recent growth numbers is that they demonstrate growth in every sector, and that is very encouraging. I began by saying that the economy in the mid-2000s, say, was very dependent on financial services and on London and the south-east. Of course we want a successful financial services sector and we want London and the south-east to do well, but it is also important that growth is better balanced throughout the United Kingdom, and the Government continue that commitment.
(11 years, 1 month ago)
Commons ChamberMy hon. Friend brings me to the point that I wanted to move on to: the report that the Chancellor of the Exchequer commissioned in Budget 2011 to evaluate the Exchequer impact of the additional rate of income tax. The report was published alongside Budget 2012. It concluded that the underlying yield from the increase from 40% to 50% was much lower than originally forecast, owing to large behavioural effects—it was possibly only £1 billion and could in fact be negative. The 50% rate also risked damaging growth and the UK economy if it had remained permanent.
The hon. Member for Islwyn (Chris Evans) focused on our policies. The inconvenient truth for the Labour party is that it had the opportunity for 13 years to test the 50p rate to destruction, but we quickly saw the evidence of the Laffer curve, which shows that, as we lower tax rates, we can collect more revenue. The Government should be congratulated on finding alternative ways of trying to get the rich to pay their just deserts, if the Labour party wants them to do that. In fact the Government have collected more money from the rich by lowering the rate from 50p to 45p and by looking at other ways to collect that money.
My hon. Friend is absolutely right. The point is not whether we should seek to get a significant contribution from the wealthiest; it is how we go about doing it. There is a real problem with a very high rate of income tax directed at the most mobile people, who have many more options in how they respond. Not surprisingly, the evidence that the HMRC evaluation discovered is that there is a significant behavioural response.
The hon. Member for Kilmarnock and Loudoun (Cathy Jamieson) said, “This is all tax avoidance and one should crack down on tax avoidance.” I agree: one does need to address tax avoidance, and we have more ambitious targets for HMRC than it has ever had before. We have made a number of changes to the law to address avoidance. I could go on at some length about the steps that we have taken, but the behavioural effect is not only about tax avoidance, it is also about behaviour that is entirely consistent with Parliament’s intentions. One might find people making bigger pension contributions, for which the House has determined tax relief should be available. One might find people retiring earlier or locating in other jurisdictions. All those things have an impact.
Therefore, there is a significant behavioural effect in this area, which brings me to the point that my hon. Friend the Member for Braintree (Mr Newmark) made: the 50p rate is not an effective way of raising revenue, which is why, in my opinion, the Labour party will not give a commitment to bringing the 50p rate back. It knows it is bad economics and does not raise revenue. It knows it sends a bad message about the UK as a location in which to do business. That is why Labour had a 40p rate for 4,722 of the 4,758 days that it was in office. There was a 50p top rate for just 36 days at the very fag end of the last Government, when they knew with a fair degree of confidence that they were going to lose office.
I sympathise somewhat with the point of the hon. Member for Islwyn (Chris Evans) about his and his party’s desire to target bankers, but if we want to create an entrepreneurial society, we must realise that not all the big wealth creators are bankers; they are also people in manufacturing, hi-tech industry and so forth. If we want them to settle in the UK, we must make our tax environment attractive and competitive internationally.
That is not quite what I said. I said that it would not be sensible for the UK to take unilateral action to change the tax law that applies internationally and that the best approach to dealing with international tax issues is to work multilaterally with other economies to update the tax system. I shall turn to some of the specific elements of new clause 12 in a moment, but I am setting out the framework. It is sensible for us to work with other countries to ensure that the international tax system does what it needs to, rather than going off on our own and making changes that could damage the UK’s competitiveness. I am sure that no one in this House would want us to do that.
I congratulate the Government on their work, particularly in the G8 meeting, in trying to co-ordinate efforts to prevent abuse by multinational companies. Such companies are extremely portable and, does he not agree that the big problem is that if we do not act on a multi-jurisdictional basis, they can move anywhere? If we take unilateral action and they move, that risks jobs in this country—that is why we must never act unilaterally in dealing with such situations.
My hon. Friend makes a very important point. Elements of a business are highly portable. In 2007-08, for example, the UK’s position on headquartered companies was very uncompetitive because of our controlled foreign companies regime and a number of businesses moved their headquarters out of the UK and went elsewhere, which had an impact not just through lost corporation tax revenue but more widely, as it meant that individuals paying income tax and decision making were moved out of the UK. That was not in the UK’s long-term interest, so we reversed the situation. Now we have a much more competitive position, which means that companies are moving back to the UK and that new businesses are moving here, too.
My hon. Friend the Member for Braintree (Mr Newmark) is absolutely right that elements of a multinationals’ business are very mobile and that we need a tax system that reflects that. An important part of making our tax system fit for purpose is that it should reflect that, which is why we should work multilaterally.
Not that I like to pick on individual countries, but does my hon. Friend agree that the evidence from France, with a relatively newly elected left-wing Government, suggests that businesses and wealthy individuals are moving across the channel in their droves to set up business in the UK?
I would say—I think that this is the most tactful way of putting it—that the Government are determined to send the signal that the UK is open for business. That is how we can win the global race. Other Governments might wish to take other approaches, and that is for them to decide. For the UK, we believe in open markets and a competitive tax system—but a tax system, none the less, in which businesses pay the tax they should and in which economic activity is properly taxed.
We have made a commitment to act and have backed that up with extra resources for the OECD. The UK has been actively participating in the development of the OECD’s comprehensive action plan for tackling such issues, which will be presented to the G20 later this month. It might interest hon. Members to know that at the recent Lough Erne summit the G8 called on the OECD to draw up a common template for multinationals to report to tax authorities where they make their profits and pay taxes around the world. That will give tax authorities a new tool against tax avoidance to help them efficiently identify and assess risks, but requiring publication of that information would put the UK at a competitive disadvantage to other countries that did not require publication. It would also impose costly administrative burdens on business and Government.
The new clause proposed by the Opposition would require all multinational companies to report all their UK corporation tax payments—not just tax related to the GAAR, but the whole of their UK corporation tax. That goes way beyond the clear policy that we have set for the GAAR and would risk giving an impression that the GAAR has an impact on all corporation receipts, creating the sense of uncertainty about the impact of the GAAR that we have gone to some lengths to avoid.
(11 years, 3 months ago)
Commons ChamberThe hon. Lady is right to raise this issue, which we touched on earlier. One of our priorities for the G8 presidency is to bring forward measures on tax evasion and tax avoidance. It is worth pointing out what the Prime Minister said in an article in The Wall Street Journal yesterday; he wants to encourage
“better global reporting to tax authorities in both the developed and developing world”.
That could make a big difference.
Will the Minister join me in supporting Lord Young’s report on growing micro-businesses, which was released yesterday? It suggests a new package of support for starting and growing small businesses.
(11 years, 5 months ago)
Commons ChamberI might be able to help my hon. Friend and the hon. Member for Glasgow North East (Mr Bain). The IFS says that the Labour pathway would cost the country another £200 billion in debt.
My hon. Friend is absolutely right to point that out. That would be the consequence of pursuing the policies advocated by Labour. That does not take into account the concerns about what going down that route would do for international confidence and the price we pay for our borrowing—interest rates. Such borrowing would jeopardise the economy.
We have made progress on, for example, unemployment. Since the first quarter of 2010, the private sector has increased by 1.25 million jobs and total employment is up by 890,000 in the period. A number of hon. Members, including the hon. Member for Houghton and Sunderland South (Bridget Phillipson), described the conditions in their constituencies. It is worth pointing out that, in the north-east of England, employment has risen by 1.4% and unemployment has fallen by 1.5% in the past year.
We are therefore making progress, but I will not deny that we, like most major economies in western Europe, do not have the level of growth we would like. Two big challenges face all of us. First, how do we get growth when there is no money left, and secondly, how do we live within our means—what do we do to get the deficit down? To deal with that question, we must first acknowledge that the problem essentially is that spending is too high, and not that taxes are too low.
We must take steps to address that, which means taking difficult decisions, as the Government have done, on departmental spending. Our decisions have, by and large, been opposed by Labour. We have had support on one element of departmental spending—the public sector pay freeze. We have announced that we have had to extend that for a further year into 2015-16, but I am not sure whether Labour supports that policy. I believe that freeze is essential if we are to meet our targets.
We have also had to take steps to reform welfare. I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions on the leadership he has shown and on his bold vision for reforming welfare. We must address welfare. In the decade before the financial crisis, and despite a growing economy, welfare spending increased by 40% and has continued to rise—it went from 11% of GDP in 2008 to 13% of GDP in 2012. Put simply, welfare spending still costs the UK taxpayer more than £200 billion a year, which is almost £1 in every £3 raised in taxes, and more than the budgets for health, education and defence combined. We need to find savings across the government. Inevitably, savings on welfare need to be part of that. If we are to spend more money on other services, we need to tackle our growing welfare budgets.
As my right hon. Friend the Chancellor explained on Wednesday, the previous public spending framework divided Government spending into two halves: fixed department budgets and annually managed expenditure. We decided in the Budget to introduce a new limit on a significant proportion of the latter. That will be set in a way that allows the automatic stabilisers to operate, but brings control to areas of public spending that have been beyond our control. My right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary to the Treasury will provide an update on that at the spending round.
We must recognise that we are in a global race. There will be economies that succeed and those that fail. We must ensure that we are competitive. That is why we have cut the corporation tax rate again to 20%—the lowest rate in the G20. It is striking how the UK is now recognised as having a very competitive tax system. That is also why we are making it easier for start-ups. I have touched on the seed enterprise investment schemes and the measures on stamp duty on AIM shares.
From April 2014, every business and charity in the UK will be entitled to a £2,000 employment allowance each year to reduce their employer’s national insurance contributions. I can tell the House that we have set up a website to help businesses understand how that will work, with an online calculator to illustrate the effect of the allowance on the employer’s national insurance bill in 2014-15. It can be found at www.employmentallowance.com. The employment allowance will benefit up to 1.25 million employers, with 98% of the benefit going to small and medium-sized businesses with fewer than 250 employees.
The hon. Member for Kilmarnock and Loudoun (Cathy Jamieson) said that the Labour party has proposals in this area, but the employment allowance is much simpler and is permanent, not temporary. It applies to all businesses and charities, not just the smallest, so there will not be a cliff-edge problem whereby people face disincentives in taking on a 10th employee. It will benefit all businesses and charities, not just those that are taking on new staff. It will be very simple to operate through the real-time information system. It could not be simpler. It is also worth pointing out that the Labour party fought the last election with the intention of increasing employer’s NICs. They wanted to put the jobs tax up, not cut it.
The previous Government’s plan for reducing the deficit was inadequate and had no credibility. The Labour Opposition have not stood by any element of that plan. They wanted to raise employer’s NICs; now they want to cut them. They proposed huge cuts in capital spending, which we have partially reversed. They now complain to us that capital spending should be higher. They put in place a fuel duty escalator, but have subsequently called for it to be scrapped. This Government have managed to freeze fuel duty and it is falling in real terms. The previous Government put in place a beer escalator. I think that the Opposition are supporting us in cancelling that as well.
The Labour party has one solution to our economic problems: borrowing and spending more. It spent and borrowed too much during the boom and it never accepted that there was a structural deficit before the crash. It has resisted all our attempts to control public spending and is not willing to accept that there is a need to constrain public spending in the years ahead. The truth is that the Labour party always wants to spend and borrow more. To be fair, when it is in government, it does spend and borrow more. However, the country cannot afford it.
We need to prepare ourselves for growth. We need to put in place incentives for companies to invest and expand. In government, the Labour party failed to do that and failed to control spending. That is why it cannot be taken seriously. That is why it is not the Labour party, but this Government who can achieve for the United Kingdom.
Ordered, That the debate be now adjourned.—(Joseph Johnson.)
Debate to be resumed on Monday 25 March.