Brian Binley
Main Page: Brian Binley (Conservative - Northampton South)
Vince Cable
As it happens, I was in Germany a few weeks ago—I unfortunately had to miss Business, Innovation and Skills questions—and one of the points clearly made by the various employers I met was that their procedure is far more cumbersome than ours, even for small companies. Indeed, small companies are required to adopt the two-tier system, a works consultation, which is very cumbersome indeed. There is no evidence that the German model, although admirable in many ways—I wish we had many of its aspects here—in any way helps to deal with this problem.
Mr Brian Binley (Northampton South) (Con)
I had hoped to see in the Bill further measures taken from the German book, particularly the exclusion of micro-businesses from many of the regulations that hamper them right at the start of their life. Is the Secretary of State willing to consider that and perhaps accept an amendment to that effect in Committee or on Report?
Vince Cable
We will obviously look at any proposals on their merits, but our current regulatory system does have a micro-business exemption and we test all our proposals against that possibility. My hon. Friend should perhaps look at the FSB’s submission, because one of the problems the small business sector often highlights is that it does not wish to be regarded as a second-rate tier of employment that is colonised by cowboy employers. It makes it very clear that it is small businesses that resist the segmentation of the labour market.
Mr Umunna
I was wondering when a Government Member would seek to intervene. I will give way shortly.
Watering down employee rights will not boost demand but is highly likely to do the opposite. As the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development said last week, increasing job insecurity is more likely to damage growth and consumer confidence than increase them. I say to the hon. Member for Bedford (Richard Fuller) that the Federation of Small Businesses has been in contact with us today about the Government’s proposals to allow no-fault dismissal, with fewer employment protections for those working in small businesses, for which he has argued. It has said that
“those who do take employment in small firms could be lower skilled, less productive workers willing to accept lower protection, making it even more difficult for these firms to grow”
and that
“there is a question that with weakened rights, employees in small firms would find getting access to credit more difficult. If so, that would make labour recruitment for small firms even harder.”
Mr Umunna
I say to the hon. Member for Bedford and to the hon. Member for Northampton South (Mr Binley), who says that that is absolute nonsense, that I have quoted the Federation of Small Businesses word for word. It has made it clear that replacing the need for good management with a hire-and-fire culture does not fit with its views on good employee relations.
Mr Umunna
I will expand on that point in more detail later, but what I can tell the hon. Gentleman now is that when I ask businesses what is currently holding them back, most say a lack of orders and demand, not the rights that their employees enjoy at work. If we are looking to encourage businesses to hire people, why not give all micro-businesses a national insurance break—I believe he has a seat in the south-east—when they take on extra workers? That would do more to help them grow their businesses.
Mr Binley
I know that the shadow Secretary of State admires experience. He knows that I founded two companies that collectively employ 260 people. He knows that we deal with many, many small businesses, and I am involved with them on a weekly basis. I can tell him that many small businesses are frightened to take people on because they are frightened of being blackmailed, should it not work out. That is a real problem, which his party needs to face up to.
Mr Umunna
I acknowledge the hon. Gentleman’s great wisdom and experience, but I respectfully disagree with his overall depiction of employees blackmailing their employers willy-nilly. I say that as a former employment law solicitor who has advised business people like him, but employees too.
Mr Umunna
I stand corrected. On my hon. Friend’s point about the resourcing of ACAS, we do not know what its budget will be for the next three years. We shall study that question carefully in the light of the, I think, £12 million reduction in its budget over the recent period.
I shall return to the composition of employment tribunals. The Bill envisages simple or low-value claims being decided by a legal officer without the need for a hearing. That might assist in the rapid resolution of disputes, which would be welcome, but it is important that any decision made by those officers should be able to be reviewed by an employment judge if either party so wished. We are currently considering a four-track system: simple claims covering issues such as amounts of holiday pay could be dealt with outside the tribunal, perhaps by a legal officer; standard unfair dismissal claims would be dealt with by tribunals in the usual way; complicated equal pay claims could be dealt with by a specialist court; and high-value claims could automatically be dealt with by a higher court.
We do not welcome the Government’s proposal that all employment appeal tribunal cases be heard, in the main, by a judge alone, instead of by a panel including lay members. We oppose that—[Interruption.] The Under-Secretary of State for Business, Innovation and Skills, the hon. Member for North Norfolk (Norman Lamb) says, “For goodness’ sake”, but lay members are very much welcomed by employees and employers as they provide balance and perspective to deliberations. That extends to deliberations in the employment appeal tribunal on legal issues.
Before I move on to the competition aspects of the Bill—I am aware that I am going on—I want to mention that there are other employment proposals that we will address in more detail in Committee.
Mr Umunna
I will make some progress, so that the hon. Gentleman will have more time to speak later.
Principally, those proposals include: the provision of financial penalties to be paid by employers where there are aggravating features to their wrongdoing; the introduction of a public interest test to whistleblowing—which we have concerns about—to clear up the uncertainties in that area; and changes to the annual increases to the limits to statutory redundancy pay.
I will now deal as quickly as possible with the competition aspects of the Bill. Healthy, competitive markets reward the innovator, the insurgent, and the risk taker. They keep incumbents on their toes, benefiting consumers, and they create the disciplines at home that drive success abroad. That does not happen by itself, however, because markets are not always efficient. I know that that view is not shared by all Government Members. So even when policy frameworks can correct market failures, markets require active stewardship, constant vigilance against unhealthy concentrations of power—News International —and, above all, the deliberate promotion of competition through a strong, robust competition regime.
The Government said in their consultation paper on options for reform published last year:
“The Government acknowledges that it has inherited a competition regime which has been independently assessed as world class.”
In 2010, the Global Competition Review awarded the Competition Commission its highest rating of five stars, and the Office of Fair Trading was awarded four and a half stars, with both bodies appearing in the top five agencies in the world. We Labour Members are rightly proud of the legacy our Labour Government bequeathed to the current Conservative-led Administration.
In principle, we support the Bill’s proposals to improve our competition regime. There is definitely some sense in combining the OFT and the Competition Commission into one body, removing duplication and concentrating expertise in one place. However, the yardstick against which we will measure these reforms is whether they will improve on the existing regime. The OFT estimated that in ensuring a level playing field, our competition regime benefited businesses and consumers to the tune of £700 million last year. As the Financial Times has pointed out, the expected savings of £1.3 million a year from the merger could be smaller than the cost to consumers and businesses if these reforms change our competition regime for the worse.
In addition, the lack of competition is, sadly, nowhere more stark than in the small and medium-sized enterprises lending market where 85% of SME lending is concentrated in the hands of our four biggest banks. This can be contrasted with Germany, where just 14% of business loans come from its biggest banks and 60% come from its smaller local and co-operative banks, which I met when I was in Germany in February. It is a shame that the Government have shown no interest in pursuing the idea that we have been promoting for some time—of having a British investment bank to help address this issue. It is a concept that enjoys the support of the British Chambers of Commerce, among others. We are also concerned about the withdrawal of consumer competences entirely from this new body. Indeed, we have argued that the Queen’s Speech should have delivered a fair deal for consumers with a consumers Bill that would give new powers to the Financial Conduct Authority and the Competition and Markets Authority to stop rip-off surcharges by banks, low-cost airlines and pension firms.
Let me move on to part 5, which deals with the reduction of regulatory burdens. We should seek to reduce regulatory burdens where we can, but—very importantly—not by compromising the rights of employees or the health and safety of employees and customers. This is an issue not just of the quantity of regulation, but of its quality, too: regulations should be drawn up with the small guy in mind—people who do not have the resources to pay for an army of lawyers, accountants and risk managers to advise on how to ensure compliance. As I said earlier, with that in mind, when in government, we introduced the primary authority scheme so that any business operating in multiple local authorities could, to ease the regulatory burden locally, form a partnership with a single local authority to access advice and support for its regulatory responsibilities. I welcome the fact that the Government seek to extend the scope of the scheme through the Bill.
What are far less welcome in part 5 are the measures touching on the Equality and Human Rights Commission, which the Secretary of State has just referred to as “regulatory tidying-up”. This Bill seeks to amend the Equality Act 2006 by repealing the commission’s general duty to exercise its functions with a view to encouraging and supporting the development of a society in which people’s ability to achieve their potential is not limited by prejudice or discrimination, in which there is respect for and protection of each individual’s human rights and respect for the dignity and worth of each individual, in which each individual has an equal opportunity to participate in society, and in which there is mutual respect between groups based on the understanding and valuing of diversity and on shared respect for equality and human rights.
This Government have an image problem. They are seen as out of touch, and they are seen as implementing policy changes that adversely impact particularly on vulnerable and poor people. Just yesterday, the Prime Minister’s former speech writer said the Government’s latest proposals on immigration policy showed that the Conservatives were a “nasty party” that risked losing votes among ethnic minority communities. In this context, why on earth are this Conservative-led Government seeking to repeal this general duty that seeks to promote fundamental values of humanity and decency in our society? I am at a complete loss to understand why they should seek to do this when that duty enjoyed cross-party support when the Equality Act 2006 progressed through Parliament.
The Government also want to change the commission’s statutory remit, contract out its helpline, stop its grant programme and slash its budget by 60%. This is not regulatory tidying-up; it is undermining the effectiveness and independence of the organisation. If what we are seeing here is the beginning of the end of the commission—and in the light of what I have said, it is entirely reasonable to raise this as a question—for the avoidance of doubt, let me say that this party will fight tooth and nail against any such move.
Finally, I shall deal with part 6, which puts in place additional measures to deal with executive pay. In order to build a more productive and responsible capitalism, it is important to ensure that we bring an end to excessive pay and rewards for failure, which are bad for our economy and for our businesses. The Prime Minister and the Chancellor have sought to insinuate that proponents of reform in this area are being “anti-business”, but the recent wave of shareholder revolts has shown just how out of touch they are with business and investor opinion on these issues. Shareholders at Citigroup, Credit Suisse, Barclays, Mann Group, Aviva and other companies have all either been protesting or voting against remuneration packages over this last couple of months. WPP shareholders will be voting on the remuneration of that company’s senior executives later this week.
In fact, the highly respected business leader, Sir Michael Darrington, the former group managing director of Greggs plc, has founded a pressure group—“Pro-Business, Against Greed”. Its aim is to reduce the excessive and growing difference in net pay between the highest paid and the majority, which he says
“is intended to help promote a happier, healthier and fairer society as well as being better for pensioners and investors.”
We congratulate him on that initiative because change and reform must be led by people like Sir Michael, who is also a shareholder in Aviva and Trinity Mirror, with Government backing.
In government—it is a shame that the right hon. Member for Bermondsey and Old Southwark (Simon Hughes) is not in his place to hear this—we started to improve corporate governance in this area and to empower shareholders. We introduced advisory shareholder votes on remuneration reports, which are creating so many headlines at present. It is not fair to say that we did nothing about this matter in government.
Currently, there is a prohibition in statute on the remuneration of executives of quoted companies whose pay is contingent on the outcome of a shareholder resolutions. This Bill will remove that prohibition, paving the way for further reform. It will enable the Government to build on our reforms by, for example, having an annual binding vote on future remuneration policy, increasing the level of support required on votes on future remuneration policy and so forth. I was glad to hear the Secretary of State confirm that he intends to bring those reforms forward as amendments to the Bill as it passes through this House. That is welcome.
On the annual binding shareholder vote in particular, we agree with the suggestion put forward by asset managers Fidelity Worldwide Investment that a 75% majority should be required in respect of a binding vote on future remuneration policy. I would be interested to hear what the Secretary of State thinks of that, as I must say that it was with great disappointment that we read that he is likely to row back not only from that proposal, but from the one to have these votes on an annual basis. That represents quite a watering down of his initial proposals. If he would like to disabuse me of that, I would be happy to give way to him now.
Margot James
My hon. Friend makes a good point. The problem is not just the cost of defending claims, but the management time involved. That detracts from the energy that companies need to fight in the market for business. There is no doubt about that.
Margot James
I will give way once more, but I will not take all the extra time.
Mr Brian Binley (Northampton South) (Con)
I congratulate the hon. Member for Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock (Sandra Osborne) on a forceful defence of equalities. It was well received, and she should feel that she has done her job very well indeed.
This is an important Bill, and I will concentrate not on equalities but on small and medium-sized businesses. They are where our growth will come from, which is why we have to prioritise them. Over the past decade we have failed to recognise the contribution that new and growing businesses make to our prosperity. It is small businesses that deliver employment growth. Private sector employment increased by 45,000 in the final quarter of last year to 23 million, the bulk of whom are in small businesses. They represent more than half the people employed in this country. As the public sector contracts to sustainable levels the private sector will grow, and small and medium-sized businesses will create the jobs that we need. They need help and impetus, and that is what I want to concentrate on today.
The Secretary of State mentioned the situation in Germany, where very small businesses are well looked after because they are seen as the future oak forests of the German economy. They do not have to be on the trade register, they do not pay turnover tax, they do not specify turnover tax on their bills and they can calculate their profit for income tax purposes on the basis of revenue surplus. Additionally, they are not paid back the turnover tax that they pay to other businesses, and they are subject not to the rigid regulations of the commercial code but to the more protective regulations of the civil code. In other words, the Germans recognise the need to nurture their new and growing businesses. I am disappointed that we have not taken that route in the Bill, and I implore the Minister to consider that very seriously.
Much has been said in the debate about regulatory reform, but small businesses have heard much of it before. Large multinationals have the resources to use expensive consultants and employ compliance departments, unlike almost every small business that I deal with. In commensurate terms, the burden placed upon small businesses is sometimes 30 times greater than that on a plc, yet we expect them to deal with the problems of employment tribunals, health and safety at work and human resources. They simply cannot do that and grow at the same time, and we need a Government who recognise that. I recognise some of the good that the previous Government did in this area, but they did not really understand that point. I fear that we will not understand it either, and I beg the Minister to consider it very seriously indeed.
Mr Anderson
Given what the hon. Gentleman has said, would it not be more sensible for the Government, instead of attacking employee rights, to give small business people access to such things as good-quality legal aid, so that they can take people on and exploit the system in the right way?
Mr Binley
I consider the hon. Gentleman to be a friend, and our views meet on a number of issues, particularly clean coal. However, they do not meet on this matter, because his suggestion would only add even more bureaucracy to small businesses. We need to lift that bureaucracy, and I ask that that point be appreciated.
David Simpson (Upper Bann) (DUP)
I agree with 99.9% of what the hon. Gentleman is saying, especially about small and medium-sized businesses, which are the backbone of this United Kingdom. Does he agree that it is the Government’s role and responsibility to create the environment that will help those businesses to succeed?
Mr Binley
I agree entirely, and I am most grateful to the hon. Gentleman for making that point much more succinctly than I did.
The Government recognise that employment regulation needs to be addressed. It is in everybody’s interests that workplace disputes are resolved as speedily as is practical. I share the concern of my colleagues on the Business, Innovation and Skills Committee that we must be assured that introducing a mandatory process will expedite matters. It is conceivable that ACAS will be involved in trying to conciliate more than 200,000 cases a year. Can the Minister provide an assurance that that will speed up the process?
In response to the earlier consultation, the Government recognised the need to increase ACAS’s resources, arguing that that would be paid for by savings from cases that would not proceed to a tribunal. However, ACAS’s report makes it clear that three quarters of claims are already resolved before that phase. What further reduction do the Government envisage under the mandatory system, and will the additional resources be provided up front? Otherwise, if we are not careful there will be as big a road block as there is in the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. I ask the Minister to consider that very carefully. ACAS acknowledges that
“problems at work can be a barrier to growing a business”,
and I support that view, but it has to be properly funded if it is to do the job that the Government will ask it to do. I am not sure that we have been assured that that will be the case.
I welcome the provisions in the Bill to improve competition policy. Small businesses are capable of performing robustly in a competitive market, and we should ask whether we are doing enough to enable them to compete. When market forces fail to deliver a competitive environment, it is proper that authorities should intervene, but we need to make our competitions investigations speedier. Cartel investigations and dominance inquiries in this country take an average of more than 30 months, which is simply not good enough. We can imagine the cost involved for small businesses at the larger end of the scale that are involved in such process—it is enormous. All that we are doing is stopping good people managing their businesses for growth. We are making them defend their position simply because the law says they must. The law needs to be more helpful and understanding to them in that respect, and I ask that that matter be looked into more deeply.
Finally, I welcome the extension of the primary authority scheme in clause 52. It is essential to widen small businesses’ opportunity to participate. The existing arrangements are too prohibitive, so the reform is positive. I pay tribute to the Labour party for introducing the scheme when they were in Government—I always want to recognise value where it exists, because the House is better when it works together than when it works apart.
I repeat that this is an important Bill, and it has been brought forward at a sensitive time in the economic cycle. The voice of business could not be clearer. We need to create a simple, predictable, reliable and agile regulatory environment. We need to encourage entrepreneurs to start businesses and want to grow them here, and we need a competition regime that champions competitiveness and opportunity. Those are tough asks, and it remains to be seen whether the Bill will perform those tasks. It will if Ministers allow it to be amended effectively in Committee and on Report. I want an assurance from the Minister that the Government will be that understanding.
Mr Iain Wright (Hartlepool) (Lab)
This has been an important if somewhat curtailed debate. In the time we have had, 21 hon. Members from all parties made considered and high-quality speeches, with the exception of Lib Dem Back Benchers and Scottish National party Members, who made no speeches, high quality or otherwise.
Since the Secretary of State rose at 5.44 pm to open the debate, 1,368 new companies have been registered in Russia, the country with the largest and fastest-growing number of business start-ups anywhere on earth; 21,394 passenger cars have been manufactured in China; 975 patents have been filed in the US; 338 people have enrolled on engineering degrees in India; and 60,000 iPhones and 20,250 iPads have been manufactured and sold around the world. Any enterprise Bill that the House considers must tackle on behalf of British business that unprecedented level of intense international competition.
That is an urgent task because, as we have heard, we are slipping down the league tables of global competitiveness. As my hon. Friend the Member for Streatham (Mr Umunna) said in his excellent opening speech, according to the World Bank’s global survey of doing business, when the Government took office, Britain was fourth in the world in terms of the ease of doing business; it is now seventh. Across the different categories, our competitiveness is slipping alarmingly. On the ease of starting a business, we have slipped from 16th to 19th; on dealing with construction permits, we have slipped from 16th to 22nd; and on registering property, we have slipped from 23rd to 35th. We are now ranked 60th in the world on companies gaining access to electricity, behind the likes of Chile, Belize, Costa Rica, Guatemala and Iraq.
The task is made even more urgent because the Government’s policies have pushed the British economy into reverse and into recession. As my hon. Friend rightly said, when the Government took office, the British economy was growing. Since the spending review, it has shrunk by 0.4%. We are now in a double-dip recession made in Downing street. Fifty businesses are going under each and every single day.
The Chancellor may wish to blame the weather, even though this country has seen weather before. He may wish to blame, as he did at the weekend, high oil prices, even though oil was trading in London this morning at a 17-month low and the price of Brent crude is 25% of its March peak. He may wish to blame the jubilee, or the eurozone, which he may claim is killing Britain’s prospects for growth, but even now Tory MPs are wising up to the fact that he is looking for excuses or alibis. They are questioning the political genius and economic competence of the man who gave them the pasty tax and raised taxes for pensioners while providing tax cuts for multi-millionaires. It is not business that should stop whinging and work harder, as the Foreign Secretary suggests, it is the part-time Chancellor.
The Bill could have addressed such failures. It has been trailed in the media as the flagship piece of legislation to make enterprise, growth and competitiveness this Administration’s principal policy. It is hardly that. Instead it is a mishmash, an ad hoc rag-bag of measures, as my hon. Friend the Member for West Bromwich West (Mr Bailey), the Chair of the Business, Innovation and Skills Committee, and my hon. Friend the Member for Great Grimsby (Austin Mitchell) said. It reflects a Government who, after only two years in office, have run out of ideas. There is no strategic thread, no compelling vision and nothing that will provide real help for British enterprise, as my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North East (Mr Bain) eloquently pointed out in a powerful contribution.
The Bill’s span is wide. For example, clause 50 concerns heritage planning legislation and clause 51 deals with the Equality and Human Rights Commission. Incidentally, my hon. Friends the Members for Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock (Sandra Osborne) and for Stretford and Urmston (Kate Green) made powerful speeches about that clause. I absolutely agree with them, and we will oppose the measure firmly in Committee. There is also clause 56, which deals with copyright. That wide span does not really show an Administration confident in their approach and clear about their aims for the British economy. Instead, it exposes a situation in which Ministers are desperately trailing around Whitehall asking for off-the-shelf proposals to pad out a supposedly flagship Bill. British business deserves better.
Businesses are crying out for a productive partnership with Government. They want to work together on a long-term vision for the British economy in the next few decades and put in place a powerful industrial strategy to allow Britain to thrive. However, there is nothing of substance in the Bill that will allow such a strategy to materialise.
Several hon. Members, such as my hon. Friends the Members for Glasgow North East, for West Bromwich West and for Swansea West (Geraint Davies), mentioned the Bill’s provision for the establishment of the green investment bank. We support the principles of such a bank. Indeed, it was under the previous Labour Government that the decision to establish one was taken. However, this Government’s two-year delay and dither has meant that the UK is slipping ever further behind our global competitors in investment in green growth. We have fallen from third in the world for investment in clean technology when Labour left power to seventh in the world today.
Even though I can see the point that investment rose last year, Pew Research has stated that that was largely because
“investors rushed to initiate projects before policy reforms go into effect that could curtail incentives”—
reforms such as the botched feed-in tariff. From a position in which we could have taken a first-mover premium in the new global manufacturing sector, the Government are losing this country our competitive advantage. Earlier this year the chief executive of Vestas, the world’s largest wind turbine maker, said that his company was postponing investment in the UK, stating:
“The most important issue that our customers have is a long-term policy framework that is required to put in these investments, which are huge.”
However, he said that
“we have not had reassurance from the government.”
As we have heard, the situation has been made worse by the fact that the Government continue to cause uncertainty and delay as a result of the Treasury’s refusal to allow the green investment bank to borrow until 2016 at the earliest. The hon. Members for Lancaster and Fleetwood (Eric Ollerenshaw) and for Stroud (Neil Carmichael)—I do not see the latter in his place—raised that issue. A bank that does not borrow cannot be called a bank, as my right hon. Friend the Member for Wentworth and Dearne (John Healey) and my hon. Friend the Member for Stoke-on-Trent North (Joan Walley) said in powerful interventions. Investment and leverage from the private sector now, while the economy is in a double-dip recession, could help us get into recovery and out of this mess. As my hon. Friend the Member for Foyle (Mark Durkan) said, there is a risk that the green investment bank will not be as active a driver in economic recovery as it should.
A large number of hon. Members, certainly on the Labour Benches, rightly mentioned their concerns about the proposed changes to employment legislation. My hon. Friend the Member for Bolton West (Julie Hilling), for example, brought to bear her considerable experience in the matter. My hon. Friend the Member for Blaydon (Mr Anderson) said that the proposals were based on bias, “Back to the Future”, opinion, anecdote and prejudice. My hon. Friend the Member for North Ayrshire and Arran (Katy Clark) mentioned whistleblowing, and we will certainly be raising and looking closely at that in Committee.
The hon. Member for Stourbridge (Margot James) said that in her opinion health and safety legislation is a burden. I do not know whether she commemorates workers’ memorial day every 28 April, but the people who have been injured and the families who have lost loved ones will not think that health and safety legislation is a burden.
The hon. Member for Bury St Edmunds (Mr Ruffley) cited two cases from his constituency, in the retail sector of all sectors. He said that the biggest burden facing the retail sector was not the lack of demand, the lack of consumer confidence or the rise in VAT imposed by this Government, but unfair dismissal. The idea that business growth is being held back by burdensome employment regulation is simply absurd.
I would say to the hon. Member for Northampton South (Mr Binley)—I have a lot of affection for him and know that he has long decades of experience in business—that, as my hon. Friend the Member for Streatham said, only 6% of businesses said that regulation was the main barrier to growth, with nearly half saying that the biggest obstacle to business success was the dire state of the economy.
Mr Binley
Does the Opposition spokesman, for whom I have equal affection, recognise that those people would have placed it at the very top of the list if the previous Labour Government had not created so many economic problems that of course other matters came before it? None the less, most people named it as one of the problems.
Mr Wright
The hon. Gentleman is a wily old bird and he knows that the economy is in recession not because of the UK employment regime or because there is somehow a need to make it easier to fire workers at will, but because, as my hon. Friend the Member for Great Grimsby said, the Government have choked off demand by cutting spending too fast and raising taxes such as VAT too far. As my hon. Friend the Member for Bolton West pointed out, removing the rights of workers will only have the impact of increasing job insecurity, thereby damaging work force morale, productivity and confidence precisely at the time when we need to see more confidence flowing through the economy.
The Government have repeatedly and pointedly failed to rule out the prospect of Beecroft’s recommendations being brought forward as amendments to the Bill. The Secretary of State was somewhat vague on that matter. After penetrating interventions from my hon. Friend the shadow Secretary of State and my hon. Friend the Member for Stretford and Urmston, the Secretary of State said that as far as he was aware—although it is his Bill—he did not see any prospect of that occurring. I hope that the Minister will make the Government’s position crystal clear on the implementation of the Beecroft recommendations during the Bill’s passage through Parliament. I hope he will confirm that none of Beecroft’s recommendations will be in amendments tabled to the Bill and that he will work with us in Committee to ensure that any such amendments from Back Benchers will be rejected. I know that the hon. Member for Bedford (Richard Fuller) wants to table such an amendment and I look forward to working with him—or against him—in Committee.
Hon. Members also raised the proposals on directors’ remuneration in part 6. We have made it clear that although we are generally supportive of what the Government are doing, the proposals do not go nearly far enough. We need greater accountability and transparency, and the recent shareholder spring, which involved many companies, suggests that investors believe that, too.
Reports in the weekend media suggested that the Government will not empower shareholders with an annual binding vote on remuneration for executives, requiring it instead only every three years. Previously, the Secretary of State has rightly stated that an annual binding vote would provide investors with a powerful tool to hold executives to account, particularly as regards failure. He pledged that again today, which is very welcome. We intend to press forward in Committee with amendments to this part of the Bill to ensure that the matter is dealt with comprehensively and fairly and that all the recommendations of the High Pay Commission are implemented, including those that workers sit on remuneration committees.
Parts 3 and 4 will establish the competition and markets authority; the purpose is to improve the speed, quality and robustness of decision making. We Labour Members are keen to ensure that the competition regime in this country is the best in the world, so that innovation and imagination are rewarded; in that respect, I agree with the hon. Member for Bexleyheath and Crayford (Mr Evennett). When the Government came to power, the UK’s competitive environment was seen as one of the best in the world—third behind only the US and Germany—so it is of concern that on this Government’s watch, the Global Competition Review has downgraded the status of the Office of Fair Trading, following what it termed the OFT’s “dismal” enforcement on cartels. In Committee, we will scrutinise closely and challenge the Government’s proposals to ensure that our competition regime remains best in class.
The Government had a great opportunity in this Bill to deal with the consequences of their failed economic policies. The Bill was a chance to put in place legislative measures to enhance this country’s economic competitive position, and to set in train policy certainty for investors, which would allow them to invest for the long term. The Bill could have helped our companies to improve their productivity and decarbonise the economy, while allowing British firms to benefit from the green industrial revolution, which is happening now—not in 2016. It could have made a firm statement in law that failures and poor performance at the top of business would not be tolerated or rewarded with excessive pay, and it could have safeguarded consumers from powerful vested interests. The Bill has made some progress on that, but not nearly enough. It is a missed opportunity. It is a rag-bag that exposes the Government’s lack of a compelling vision and fails to help British business to compete in the global economy of today and tomorrow. On that basis, I commend the reasoned amendment to the House.