Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Debate between Baroness O'Loan and Baroness Finlay of Llandaff

Committee stage
Friday 6th February 2026 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

My Lords, I believe that there may be some people who wish to speak before I come to my final remarks. I certainly want to hear from the Front Benches and the sponsor of the Bill. I will therefore withhold any remarks at the moment.

[Baroness O’Loan (CB)]

My Lords, I have added my name to Amendments 102 and 106 in this group. Clause 2 is of the utmost importance because the definition of “terminal illness” underpins everything in the Bill. Without a terminal illness, the Bill does not apply and there is no ability to seek assistance in suicide, so the definition is enormously important. Clarity is absolutely necessary and would be enhanced if a list of terminal illnesses were required to be published before the clause on the voluntary assisted dying commissioner could come into effect, as Amendments 85, 894 and 896 would require. Some conditions need to be excluded, such as being elderly, as in Amendment 99. Amendment 102 seeks to ensure that dementia is recognised as a disability and not in itself a terminal illness.

Amendment 105 would exclude anyone with a congenital, genetic or lifelong condition, for which treatments are improving rapidly. Life expectancy has increased dramatically in conditions such as cystic fibrosis, COPD, Parkinson’s and Duchenne muscular dystrophy. Pathfinders Neuromuscular Alliance says:

“Many individuals with progressive conditions, such as muscular dystrophy, live far beyond their initial life expectancy due to advances in medical care. Misjudgments in prognoses could lead to premature decisions, effectively ending lives that might have been enriched by appropriate care and support”.


This Bill does not provide protection for those with such conditions, who may be coerced into seeking an assisted death.

Amendment 106, in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Hunt, and the noble Baroness, Lady Grey-Thompson, to which I have added my name, would prevent assisted dying being offered where medical negligence, malpractice or omission has occurred and given rise to disability, impairment or a terminal condition until all investigations, compensation claims et cetera have been concluded. In many cases involving medical negligence, a failure to diagnose a condition which may have been treatable when the patient first presented is finally diagnosed as a cancer at stage 4 and has metastasised. This may happen, for example, when a young woman, sometimes even a child, has cancer of the cervix or uterus: some doctors do not think they could have such a problem, because they are too young. This will be profoundly difficult for the patients and their families, and it is vital that they do not lose benefits or part of the compensation they might have received by dying of assisted suicide, rather than a death which would have been recorded as having been caused by medical negligence. Those resources may be vital for a single parent with a young family. Does the noble and learned Lord accept the need for these amendments, or what is his alternative suggestion?

There are conditions which can be stabilised or controlled for years, and which, if not stabilised or controlled, may cause a doctor to predict death. Noble Lords have articulated the concerns that exist about the inadequacy and danger of this primary definition. Illnesses that can be stabilised, halted or effectively managed by treatment must be excluded, ensuring that only genuinely terminal illnesses are included in the definition.

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[Baroness O'Loan (CB)]

The House has its procedures and generally stays by them. There is nothing going on during this Bill which is filibustering. It is analysis of the defects and the flaws in this dangerous Bill.

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

My Lords, after a very long and extensive debate, I thank all noble Lords who have contributed, particularly those who contributed with their own personal stories and descriptions of the way those experiences have affected people. However, I remind the Committee that we are legislating for the whole country, not for individual stories, and must look at eligibility carefully.

Frankly, the response from the noble and learned Lord is deeply disappointing. These amendments were tabled to make the boundaries of this Bill safer and to avoid opening the door to the wide creep that could happen. In terms of the six-month prognosis, there is an extensive body of evidence that there is no clinical truth in a six-month prognosis. I am delighted to be sitting next to my noble friend Lord Carter of Haslemere, who illustrates that beautifully, as does the noble Baroness, Lady Campbell of Surbiton, who was deemed to be terminally ill many decades ago.

I will try briefly to summarise. Frailty is not included, apparently, but geriatricians will say that frailty has a six-month prognosis, as does cancer. I would not want frailty included and am glad that it has been ruled out. However, people who are frail will also get other conditions. This group of amendments hit to the very issue of informed choice and patients making those choices. As was said, knowledge is power. The information that people need is that their diagnosis is accurate. They need information about the prognosis. It is very disappointing that the wealth of research evidence—systematic reviews, observation studies and so on—has shown that at six months the margin of error is huge.

My noble friend Lady Freeman is absolutely right regarding the way of communicating risk. You can say to people, “In 100 patients, so many are likely to be alive at six months”. The follow-up question that you will always get is, “Yes, but which group am I in?” That is the unknown. Their family will then push further—though not always—to know which group they are in. It is important in communicating information that we are honest and do not pretend that there is some clinical truth around “six months”. There is also, sadly, bias in the minds of doctors. I was concerned to hear from the Minister, if I heard it right, that a different six-month test would be applied by two different doctors—the co-ordinating doctor and the independent doctor—but I will go back to Hansard to look at that. The noble Lord, Lord Wolfson of Tredegar, pointed out the legal uncertainty around “reasonably be expected”. I caution that we should not ignore that.

It is disappointing that there is still a view that, somehow, six months is absolute, ignoring that there are patients who are expected to die not only in six months but possibly much sooner but who remain alive many years later. This is not about five months or seven months. This is about years—five years, 10 years, 15 years. I will not go into individual cases now, but I have a catalogue of them. The six months is not predictable. The attempt in these amendments was to make sure that the patient has better information on which to make probably the most difficult decision that they will ever make and the most irreversible—to end their life.

We have been trying to look at the problems in and improve the Bill. Rejection of all these amendments out of hand, without any invitation to look again at the wording or try to tighten it, is disappointing. With that, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment at this stage.

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[Baroness O’Loan (CB)]

My Lords, the issues raised in this group are extensive and a matter for great concern. Refusing food and hydration is a sure way to die, as, in many cases, is refusing treatment such as dialysis and insulin. Refusing food or treatment is a choice that a patient is entitled to make, if they have the capacity to make such a decision. However, that cannot translate into an obligation on the state to help the person to kill themselves. That was recognised, as the noble and learned Lord, Lord Falconer, said, by the Bill’s sponsor in the other place, hence the wording of Clause 2(2). However, the noble and learned Lord’s Amendment 87 would remove the safeguard offered by Clause 2(2), as it would prevent the Bill applying only where the person has a mental disorder and the act of refusing food or hydration causes them to have an illness or disease.

Many states start by offering assistance to die in very limited circumstances, but, only a short time afterwards, the grounds for the state helping people to kill themselves expand—in some cases, almost inconceivably. Do you have no wheelchair? We will help you die. Do you have no home? We will help you die. Are you suffering from PTSD after military service? We will help you die. In many jurisdictions, anorexia, which is a treatable illness, is accepted as justification for assisted suicide and so on. All the examples that I have just given—no wheelchair, no home and suffering PTSD—were grounds for assisted dying in Canada recently.

There are many suggestions for how to address the terrible vacuum through which all sorts of conditions that are not terminal could, as a consequence of refusing food, treatment or hydration, become terminal. I put my name to one such amendment, Amendment 101, in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Parminter, and all the amendments in this group, other than Amendment 87, seek to address the issue. However, it is clear that the list of conditions and situations currently provided in Clause 2 as exceptions to the definition of terminal illness is not adequate. The noble and learned Lord, Lord Falconer, has even removed from the Bill the more general safeguard inserted by the MP for Batley and Spen. The noble and learned Lord will have to move far beyond his Amendments 87 and 87A if he is to satisfy the Committee that the definition of the situations that do not qualify as terminal illness is in any way satisfactory.

The prevalence of eating disorders goes way beyond what one might perhaps reasonably expect. NHS statistics for 2023 tell us that the prevalence of any eating disorder in the age group of 11 to 16 year-olds was 2.6%, but that in the case of girls it was 4.3%, compared with only 1% in the case of boys. If we move to the group of 17 to 19 year-olds, the figure is 12.5% in the whole group but, among girls, the number suffering from an eating disorder rises to 20.8%, compared with 5.1% among boys. Those are NHS figures. A review of current literature up to 2022 investigating suicide in eating disorders found that the prevalence of suicidal ideation was 51% and the prevalence of suicide attempts was 22%. I am very grateful to the young intern doing a PhD who provided me with these figures from the NHS. They demonstrate the magnitude of the problem of eating disorders today and, even more terribly, the 51% prevalence of suicidal ideation. Half of all people suffering from anorexia or other eating disorders will contemplate suicide, and more than one in five of those suffering from an eating disorder will attempt to take their own lives, although the disorder that they suffer from can be treated if they get proper treatment.

The Bill effectively creates a class of people—particularly disabled people, diabetics, those on dialysis, and others who need continuous life-sustaining treatment—who can at will cause themselves to have a terminal illness as defined by the Bill. Experts and the courts have agreed that refusing such treatment and creating a terminal illness out of a desire to die does not vitiate capacity. Can the noble and learned Lord, Lord Falconer, explain how creating a class of disabled people for whom voluntary suicide is legal and state-supported is consistent with the UK’s obligations under Articles 2 and 14 of the European convention?

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

My Lords, I have in this group an amendment that was recommended by the Complex Life and Death Decisions group at King’s and which builds on the clause that was proposed in the other place by the MP for Bradford West and accepted, currently Clause 2(2). It seems that Amendment 87 before us would knock that out, but it has an amendment to it that has been clearly explained by the noble Baroness, Lady Keeley.

This seems to be the start of an improvement that is very necessary, but it does not do everything. There is a concern that those with other types of eating disorder can be missed out or slip through the net, particularly those with bulimia and those who go on completely bizarre diets and end up with severe malnutritional states. I have known two examples directly: one person believed that he could live only on cottage cheese, and another was eating kilogrammes of parsnips every day in the belief that that would cure her disease, and ended up with quite severe metabolic disturbances.

The problem with the amendments so far is that they fail to exclude the voluntary stopping of eating and drinking that is designed deliberately to make you terminally ill. I mention, if I may, the problem of T1DE—that is, a type I diabetic with an eating disorder. Lesley and Neal lost their young daughter Megan at Dignitas, after years of inadequate treatment. I have permission to quote them. They said:

“Following inadequate and inappropriate in-patient and community treatment for T1DE, our daughter chose to take her own life after asking for a Dignitas referral from her care team. She clearly would have taken up the assisted dying option if available to her, however, just before she committed suicide she said ‘I don’t really want to die, I just can’t do this any more’”.


That illustrates the real difficulty for young people with disorders that are on the boundary here. I hope that we can build on these amendments on Report to make sure that they really are watertight.

Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Debate between Baroness O'Loan and Baroness Finlay of Llandaff

Committee stage
Friday 30th January 2026 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

I am most grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Hendy, with whom I have had conversations going back to last September. I have looked after many patients dying of mesothelioma, and it seemed to be a loophole if the chain of causation was not completely intact.

We had advice in several calls from extremely wise sources—I will not list them all—and I learned a great deal about the legal side and the Fatal Accidents Act. I have some questions for the noble and learned Lord, whom I met with yesterday. He assured me that he would be bringing forward amendments, but unfortunately, I did not see them at the time; it was only much later that they appeared in my inbox. I have not been able to go through them in detail to examine the precise wording.

The concern is that unless this is watertight, these companies will wriggle out of any type of compensation. Therefore, what is the position of coronial oversight in these cases, where perhaps even the diagnosis might be questioned by a company, and it could be difficult for a family to provide the evidence it might be demanding? One does not know. Also, what is the position regarding the life insurance policy of the individual when they have an industrial disease and there is a chain of causation? They might be eligible, one hopes, for compensation. That needs to be followed through. However, somebody could claim that in some way, the chain of causation had been broken.

[Baroness O'Loan (CB)]

My Lords, I express my appreciation to the noble Lords, Lord Hendy and Lord Harper, for bringing these matters to our attention. I had prepared a speech describing the awful situation of mesothelioma, et cetera. I will not talk about that but will just say a couple of other things.

This has clearly identified a huge gap in provision in this legislation: a Bill is being passed that may have consequences it does not provide for in any way. I am thinking in particular of the Fatal Accidents Act: people are dying of these industrial diseases, including military victims. I had no idea that military victims would lose compensation in that situation. I am very grateful to them for identifying such a significant gap. This is very important for members of the Armed Forces, because many of them suffer from mental illnesses as a consequence of their service, in addition to any other condition from which they may suffer. That always makes life harder for them in trying to negotiate their way through and make decisions of such a profound kind. The noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, mentioned the problem with insurance policies and suicides. Most insurance companies will pay out after a suicide, provided that the minimum time has elapsed since taking out the policy. If someone has an assisted suicide, we do not quite know how that will affect their insurance policy; but it now appears that if the underlying cause of death—the terminal illness which led to the granting of assisted suicide—is something such as cancer, that may send the insurer straight back to find out what underlying habits were disclosed, such as the person being a smoker. It all becomes enormously complicated for the person suffering from a terminal illness who is trying to decide whether to seek an assisted death. There is no provision in this legislation for consequences for their families in situations such as this.