Baroness Northover Portrait Baroness Northover (LD)
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My Lords, I too thank the noble Baroness for setting out this Bill so clearly. Most of the provisions were introduced by Rishi Sunak when he was Prime Minister and it is excellent that they are now being taken forward by the current Government. We have a long tradition of cross-party working to reduce tobacco harms and I am delighted to follow the noble Earl, Lord Howe, who has a long history as a committed member of that group, although he is always aware of the variety of views on his own Benches.

When I first came into this House in 2000—I was a health spokesperson and, much later on, deputised for the noble Earl, Lord Howe, in the coalition—there were a number of people who took the industry briefings, sometimes unaware that these were what they were. Front groups, lobby groups, commercial groups led to be anxious when this was not merited, think tanks, and now social media, were all active. They resisted all kinds of tobacco controls that we now take for granted. The ban on smoking in public places, for example, was castigated as being nanny-state, anti-libertarian, about to destroy all sorts of institutions, disproportionate and so on. Many later said that it felt wrong when they encountered smoking in public places in other countries. And so we moved forward, step by step.

Opponents of action dropped in number, almost to a single voice, although I think the opponents have grown in number now. The industry had for so long denied that it knew what Professor Sir Richard Doll proved through research with the cancer registries—that smoking caused cancer and killed.

It is essential to consider public health and how we best protect children from developing an addiction that is likely to blight their life and their health. The noble Baroness mentioned stillbirths, cancer, heart disease and dementia. Passive smoking, too, causes significant harm. Most smokers wish that they had never started. Tobacco kills about two-thirds of its long-term users.

As the Chief Medical Officer points out, the industry first makes addicts of people; then they are trapped and the industry frames “It can’t be taken away” as freedom of choice. Many ingenious arguments are used to combat changes. I was a development Minister and I saw how the industry gave out cigarettes to build new markets in developing countries as they were squeezed elsewhere.

Of course, people will point to challenges—as we have just heard—in the yearly increase in age. If in a few years the age limit is, say, 35, an 18 year-old will not easily pass as that. So we should focus on the main aim and seek ways to help deliver this. As was said the other day by a former Conservative Minister, “Don’t let the perfect be the enemy of the good”. Of course there is push-back; there always is.

Now I come to vaping. If the industry had provided vapes simply as a means to enable people to stop smoking, that would have been fine. But it did not. It made vapes attractive to young people, with flavours and bright covers. It targeted them with nicotine levels that got them hooked. Vapes should never have been sold to those who do not smoke. I have seen this with close young relatives. It is cool to use vapes. You see this on the bus, at the school gates, everywhere. We have a difficult balance here of allowing vapes as smoking cessation but doing our best to prevent the take-up among children.

I welcome the Government’s proposals that branding on vapes that might appeal to children should be banned, that free vapes should never be handed out to children, and that vape contents and flavours should be controlled and displays regulated. We have to do our best to ensure that the Bill is as watertight as possible, given the industry’s inventiveness. I understand why the Government have sought flexibility, given the history of foot-dragging in every instance of tobacco control. I understand their frustration.

I am glad that the Government wish to extend smoke-free arrangements in public places. Working cross-party, we had secured in the pandemic that pubs and restaurants should be smoke-free outside, as they were inside, but the industry was effective at pushing back on that—not through the Department of Health, but through the local government department. I hope we can make further progress here.

There is no doubt now about the harm that tobacco causes to users and those around them. We know the cost to the NHS and the economy. We know that most smokers wish that they had never started. I therefore strongly support this Second Reading.