Gaza (Humanitarian Situation)

Debate between Andrew Smith and Tony Baldry

Wednesday 5th February 2014 Westminster Hall

[Sir Tony Baldry (Banbury) (Con)]

I initiated this debate because during the last International Development questions I was struck by the comments of my right hon. Friend the Member for Rutland and Melton (Mr Duncan), the International Development Minister—he is not here today because he is on a ministerial visit to Nepal—who said:

“The collapse in the supply of fuel and medical supplies entering Gaza in recent months and the rising price of food are exacerbating the already precarious humanitarian situation caused by restrictions on the movement of goods and people and the devastation of the winter storms.”

He went on to say that he had been in the Palestinian Territories the previous week and had spoken

“directly to a number of people in Gaza. The shortage of drugs is a serious issue, and that has been the case since about 2007. DFID is supporting the UN access co-ordination unit to work with the World Health Organisation, Israel, the Palestinian Authority and the agencies to help to facilitate the transfer of medical equipment and supplies, and patient referrals, in and out of Gaza.”

He then made a stark prediction:

“It is no exaggeration to say that, come the autumn, Gaza could be without food, without power and without clean water. One UN report predicts that it could become an unliveable place, meaning that it risks becoming unfit for human habitation.”—[Official Report, 22 January 2014; Vol. 574, c. 279.]

I visited Gaza twice some years ago during the 2001 to 2005 Parliament, when I chaired the Select Committee on International Development. One visit was under the auspices of Christian Aid, and it is worth remembering that there are Christians among the Palestinians. Palestinian Christians are a minority among Palestinians, and Palestinians are a minority in the middle east, so Palestinian Christians often feel that they are twice a minority and consequently doubly powerless at controlling their own lives. My second visit was with the whole Select Committee as part of an inquiry into DFID support for the Palestinian Territories.

During my chairmanship of the International Development Committee and my period as a Foreign and Commonwealth Office Minister, when the FCO still had responsibility for international development and what was then called the Overseas Development Administration, I saw many terrible tragedies—some from acts of nature, some as a consequence of human folly and some as a combination of both. They ranged from witnessing first hand the horrors of the famine in Ethiopia in 1984 to visiting the camps for refugees and internally displaced people in Darfur.

What distinguished Gaza and struck me was the total sense of hopelessness among ordinary people there. One small example struck a chord. My great-grandfather was a market gardener, and Gazan farmers tried to make a living by growing strawberries; they sought to maximise the potential of what little land they had by erecting greenhouses. They were not allowed to export the strawberries as Palestinian strawberries, but at the time they were at least able to export them. Sadly, almost all their greenhouses were destroyed by the Israeli army. After my second visit, I recall returning home and telling my children that I had no fear of death and I had been to hell, or rather that I could not imagine a state of existence or purgatory of such total hopelessness as being trapped in Gaza.

The Chamber may recall that, back in 2012, the Prime Minister urged Israel’s then Prime Minister to “do everything possible” to end the crisis in Gaza. As far back as July 2010, the Prime Minister described Gaza as a “prison camp” and appealed to the Israeli Government to allow the free flow of humanitarian goods and people out of the Palestinian Territories.

[Mr Andrew Smith (Oxford East) (Lab)]

I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman and my near neighbour for giving way, and congratulate him on securing this vital debate. He has experienced those visits and the horrors he is describing so eloquently. Why does he think the international community has proved so ineffective at putting effective pressure on Israel to relax the horrific stranglehold on Gaza? What steps does he think could be taken now?

[Sir Tony Baldry]

To answer the right hon. Gentleman and my neighbour, I think the international community has for a long time put its hope in the negotiations for a two-state solution. I will speak about that towards the end of my comments.

Disability Allowance

Debate between Andrew Smith and Tony Baldry

Tuesday 30th November 2010 Westminster Hall

[Tony Baldry (Banbury) (Con)]

I start my short contribution by making a confession. This is the first time in nearly 28 years as a Member of the House that I have made a speech in a debate on disability. That was not because of a lack of interest—far from it. However, this entire area of policy has always struck me as something of a secret garden—moreover, one with its own jargon and terminology. My experience is that if we use the wrong phrases or the wrong words, others, including people from NGOs and concerned charities, are likely to shout at us. As a result, I am never quite sure whether I am meant to refer to disabled people or people with a disability.

Listening to oral questions to the Department for Work and Pensions in the House last week, I again felt somewhat lost in this secret garden. I am genuinely interested in the matter, not only as a constituency Member but as the co-chair of the all-party group on carers. I was reassured to hear that even the hon. Member for Aberdeen South (Miss Begg), whom I believe chairs the Select Committee on Work and Pensions, was not sure exactly who would be affected by the Government’s proposals. She observed that there was quite a lot on the blogosphere about who might or might not be affected by the changes.

My first request is that Ministers should set out clearly what is being proposed and who is likely to be affected. I am not confident that I am right, but after listening to the answers given by my hon. Friend the Minister at oral questions last week, I understand that it is primarily about people being supported and funded in residential care homes by local authorities. It is a consequence of the move towards personalisation of care—enabling people to have a much greater say over their own care packages, which by common consent is wanted by almost every disabled person. My hon. Friend highlighted the fact that the Department of Health has put £2 billion into social care. Am I right in assuming that a proportion of that money is intended to be used by local authorities, to ensure that residents in care homes continue to have a measure of mobility?

As the hon. Member for Stretford and Urmston (Kate Green) observed, the Treasury spending review of 20 October mentions on page 28 the intention to save £135 million, but I am unclear from whom that money has been taken or from where. Is it intended that the money should be replaced by the funding that the Department of Health has put into social care?

My hon. Friend the Minister said in the House that

“Local authorities, working with care homes, have a clear duty to promote, where practical, independence, participation and community involvement for every single disabled person living in such care homes.”—[Official Report, 22 November 2010; Vol. 519, c. 6.]

Is that a statutory right? How do disabled people ensure that it is delivered? If it is not being delivered by the local authority, is the matter subject to judicial review? I am unclear as to whether something is actually being taken away, or whether the activities are expected to be funded through a different and separate funding route.

Like my hon. Friend the Member for Worthing West (Peter Bottomley), I have an excellent Leonard Cheshire care home in my constituency. Agnes Court in Banbury is home for a number of seriously disabled residents. Many of them, like those mentioned by the hon. Member for Redcar (Ian Swales), have been there for many years. Indeed, I have known some of them as constituents for practically the whole of my time as a Member of Parliament, as they have lived almost all of their adult lives at Agnes Court. The mobility component of the DLA has enabled the residents of Agnes Court and other constituents to access such things as electric wheelchairs; it has funded visits to local GPs or doctors; and, most important, it has funded visits and activities away from Agnes Court.

These constituents, like us, clearly want to live their lives to the full. Is this money now being taken away from them? If so, how will such activities be funded in the future? My hon. Friend the Minister asserts that local authority contracts with care homes should cover services to meet all residents’ assessed needs, including any assessed mobility needs, and that an individual’s care, support and mobility needs should be met by residential care providers from social care funding. If that is what she is saying, I hope she will write to the chief executive of every local authority setting out exactly what the Government expect them to do.

[Mr Andrew Smith]

I thank my fellow Oxfordshire MP for giving way; I know that he cares about these issues. I urge him and his colleagues to reflect on the perversity of these proposals. Even if local authorities, under instruction from the Minister, are able to put together some package of support for transport for people in residential care homes, which seems rather doubtful given all the financial pressures that they face, does it not go completely in the opposite direction from the whole philosophy of personalised care, which is that a person has a package appropriate to their needs and they can choose how to exercise it? They may choose to spend the mobility component of DLA on special transport—electric wheelchairs or access to Motability and so on. Will they not have less independence and choice, even if this money is replaced through the local authority route?

[Tony Baldry]

The right hon. Gentleman and I are both Members for Oxford constituencies. Having been a Chief Secretary to the Treasury and a Minister in the Department for Work and Pensions, he is a more frequent visitor to this policy secret garden than I am. I am trying to understand whether something is being taken away here. If it is, is it being replaced by something else? If it is, and if the expectation is that local government should be funding it, then that needs to be set out very clearly. The test for all of this is that when each one of us, as a constituency Member of Parliament, meets a constituent who is affected by these changes, we need to be confident that we can explain what is being proposed. I make no criticism of anyone at the moment—the Chairman of the Select Committee cannot even work it out. I am not confident at the moment that I know the answers. If the Government are proposing changes, it does not seem unreasonable to expect those to be set out clearly and unambiguously in terms that everyone can fully understand.

Government Policy (NEETs)

Debate between Andrew Smith and Tony Baldry

Tuesday 9th November 2010 Westminster Hall

[Tony Baldry]

I entirely agree with that point, which my hon. Friend makes extremely well.

[Mr Andrew Smith (Oxford East) (Lab)]

I congratulate my fellow Oxfordshire MP on securing this important debate and on the initiatives he is pursuing in our area—I would certainly be pleased to support such projects. Does he agree that what these young people most need is continuing support in the form of advice, mentoring and the monitoring of progress? They need ongoing engagement with work-focused practical experience that can lead to a job, and some modest incentives to reward their progress.

[Tony Baldry]

I entirely agree with everything the right hon. Gentleman has said; he puts the matter in a nutshell very well. Do the current targets for retention rates on courses for further education colleges mean that they may be tempted to turn away applicants with poor school attendance records? That would effectively write off the already disadvantaged, and potentially create a group of long-term disengaged and unemployed young people with little possibility of improving their position. My impression is that, locally, people are working very hard to try to engage NEETs and get them back into education or training. However, that is not easy. By definition, NEETs have mostly decided to opt out or they have other difficulties—although it is important to recognise that young people who are NEET are not a homogenous group with the same issues, and that they are not even necessarily at the same stage of disengagement.

We also need to recognise that some groups of youngsters clearly have particular challenges. Mencap has sent me a copy of the detailed submission that it made last December to the Children, Schools and Families Committee. In that document, it makes the point that three in every 10 disabled young people aged 19 are NEET, and that a youth cohort study found that young people who recorded themselves as having a health problem or disability are twice as likely to be NEET as others.

When a young person is without or not in education, employment or training they require—as the right hon. Member for Oxford East (Mr Smith) said—support in many different ways. Of course, ultimately that support may have little impact if an appropriate offer of employment or training is not available. I am concerned that the present system to provide further education perhaps does not provide a favourable environment for this group of young people. There seems to be a fundamental policy problem. If I understand matters correctly, that problem is money. Each youngster who stays on in school or goes to an FE college takes with them a pot of money by staying on at school or college to do A-levels or other training—their place gets funded. A NEET has effectively opted out of the system and receives no funding. Any organisation set up by the local authority or by anyone else to help NEETs get back into education or training also does not receive any funding. Those with the greatest need receive no funding and those trying to help them are left scrabbling around to find funding elsewhere. It might be worth considering some sort of system of NEET vouchers, so that if a youngster who is a NEET undertakes approved activity or enrols in an appropriate course, that activity or course receives some funding. Otherwise, it is difficult to see how we will break out of this NEET Catch-22.

It goes without saying that we need a name for programmes supporting NEETs that is sympathetic and has an overall project title—“Dealing with NEETs” clearly does not do it. We need a name such as “Youth Engagement,” and the subject needs a brand. There will be those who say that one of the reasons why there are NEETs is that such people feel that they will not find a job. However, there is something of a chicken-and-egg issue here. The Prince’s Trust has observed that the first concern for disadvantaged young people is often their need for money and a job, and the skills they want are those they need to give them a practical route to employment.

The Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development has observed that, despite financial difficulties and a reduction in vacancies, the majority of organisations remain enthusiastic about recruiting new talent. However, many organisations that require specific skills find that those are not being met by job candidates. The CIPD’s recruitment, retention and turnover survey of this year found that two thirds of organisations report that a lack of necessary skills is a barrier to recruitment. It also found that a lack of necessary specialist skills was a greater problem for the manufacturing and production professions—76% of that group—than any other. If young people do not acquire skills, the reality is that they are unlikely to be able to access jobs.

Housing (CSR)

Debate between Andrew Smith and Tony Baldry

Wednesday 27th October 2010 Westminster Hall

[Tony Baldry (Banbury) (Con)]

Banbury and Bicester are both growing towns. I now have the 15th largest constituency in the country in terms of population, and, collectively, we most certainly are not nimbys. Planning permission has been granted for thousands of new homes in Banbury and Bicester, for the refurbishment of some 300 houses and for the building of some 700 new houses at the former RAF Upper Heyford site. In addition, Cherwell district council, Oxfordshire county council and Bicester town council are supporting the development of the new Bicester eco-town as an exemplar housing development, demonstrating low-carbon housing and a sustainable community.

We are waiting to learn whether a fully funded flood defence project, supported financially by the district council and businesses such as Chiltern Railways, will get the go-ahead following a public inquiry. If it does, that will enable a new regeneration scheme of mixed residential and commercial properties on the canal-side that runs through the centre of Banbury. Further to that, Defence Estates appears to want to release some sizeable land holdings on the outskirts of Bicester. If it is realistic about the price, the land could be used for shared equity housing and new social housing.

I am sure that Cherwell district council will want, wherever possible, to take advantage of the new homes initiative, a programme under which the Government will give local housing authorities a multiplier of 1.25 times the amount the occupants pay in council tax for six years, in addition to the council tax payment itself.

In my area, planning permission has been granted for hundreds of houses. However, at present, construction of new houses on new sites in my constituency is painfully slow. As a consequence, the prospect of wider community gains, such as a new community hospital in Bicester, has been delayed. Why is that? Simply, it is because house builders are hoping that the market for new houses will strengthen before they start to build, so we have a Catch-22 situation.

The first issue that I would suggest has to be grappled with is the availability of mortgages so that people can buy homes or get the funding for sensible shared equity schemes. Mortgage lending dropped to a 10-year low last month; it was the lowest September total since 2000. So while mortgage rates have dropped in recent weeks, banks and building societies appear to be continuing to tighten their lending criteria. The rates are being reduced but the criteria are being tightened, and the Bank of England has warned that lenders are expected to tighten further their criteria, making it even harder for people to get mortgage funding.

If people cannot obtain mortgage funding, they will not buy new homes and developers will not develop sites. That obviously will make life much more difficult for those who aspire to own their own homes. It also makes it much more difficult to provide new social housing. For some time, in areas such as mine, new social housing has almost entirely been a planning gain; a proportion of new social housing is built as part of large-scale new developments. Therefore, if one does not have significant new housing developments in Banbury and Bicester, one will not have the much-needed new social housing that goes with them. There is no new housing and no new social housing without new development.

What can be done to get the building societies and the banks to play their part in a housing recovery? No one is suggesting a return to the daft income multiples for lending that we saw several years ago, which certainly did not help anyone but simply led to artificially inflated house prices, but we do need the banks and building societies to be prepared to lend at responsible multiples to enable people to start buying their own homes again.

The banks’ targets for lending for 2010 seem unchallenging. My first question to the Under-Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government, my hon. Friend the Member for Hazel Grove (Andrew Stunell), is what he and my right hon. Friend the Minister for Housing and Local Government are doing to encourage the banks and building societies to adopt lending criteria that will get the housing market going again. That must be in everyone’s interests. Frankly, any discussion about housing numbers will be somewhat academic unless builders feel able to build houses for sale and buyers can access reasonable mortgage finance.

That takes us to the rest of the housing market: social housing and the private rented sector. I have enormous respect for the right hon. Member for Greenwich and Woolwich (Mr Raynsford) and his knowledge and expertise in this area. However, I must say to him very gently that I do not think it sensible to start using words like “sanctimonious” and “demented”, given that the record of the last Labour Government on the housing front was one of lamentable failure. He started his speech by saying that he could never recall “a bleaker outlook” for housing. In fairness, this Government have been in office for just a few months—and that was commentary after 13 years of a Labour Government. Furthermore, that type of hyperbole will not help any of us, really.

Housing figures for the last year of the Labour Government fell by nearly a quarter on the previous year, with only 128,680 new properties becoming available. That was the biggest decline since the Department for Communities and Local Government began collecting data 10 years ago, when it was part of the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister. Moreover, that decline was against a Labour target of 240,000 new homes, which was itself pretty modest. Also, waiting lists for social housing doubled under Labour to five million people, so in fairness it is not for ex-Labour Housing Ministers to be so censorious.

We started off with an inheritance of a huge waiting list for social housing and huge pressures on public finances, and they are both inescapable realities of today. Consequently, it is inevitable that public investment will be limited, although I understand that £1.1 billion will still be allocated to social housing each year for the next four years. Clearly, all of us have to find new ways to try to ensure that public investment goes further. Why have a record of what we would like to have in halcyon days if it is not possible to deliver?

Every Member of Parliament, whether they represent a constituency in inner London or a constituency such as mine, would acknowledge that there are great pressures on social housing. Furthermore, I am sure that pretty well every colleague in this House will acknowledge that one of the predominant issues in our constituency surgeries is the desire of people to access social housing and to have—understandably—a decent home.

At present, social housing is provided by a number of housing associations, and there is a private rented sector with a multiplicity of private landlords. However, very few sizeable businesses have moved into the private rented sector. Why, for example, have the pension funds not become more involved in investing in becoming private sector landlords?

As I understand it, local authorities will be able to borrow against the income that they attract from the new homes initiative to help fund new housing projects, and to encourage those with private finances and property developers to become involved. I say to my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary, who will respond to this debate, that we have heard a lot from Ministers about the new housing bonus. However, we have not had as much detail as I suspect local councillors, council officers and others would find helpful about what local authorities are expected to do to respond to what seems to be a Government offer for local authorities to start to behave in a different way, in terms of local authorities being a catalyst for getting new housing projects going on their own patch.

For many years, local authorities have certainly been planning authorities, and they have sought to encourage registered social landlords to become involved with major new housing developments, but what is being proposed is something new for local government. As my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary will know, it sometimes takes a little time for councillors and council officers to realise what is being asked of them and what they are being invited to do, and if local authorities are being asked to approach local housing supply and housing projects in a different way, it behoves the Government to ensure that the new housing bonus, including how it will work, is fully understood. For example, will local authorities be allowed to borrow against that new housing bonus? If the anticipated bonus will run for six years, can a local authority borrow all the money up front? Will there be freedom to do so? What will the Treasury say about that, and so forth?

There are a number of other issues that we must face up to. I am conscious that others wish to speak in this debate, so I will try to keep my comments short. However, we need to be adult about this. At present, those who access social housing usually have security of tenure for life; indeed, in certain circumstances, they can pass on their tenancy to the next generation. Generally, they also have rent levels that are markedly below those being paid in the private rented sector. By contrast, those in the private rented sector often pay significantly higher rents and have to be assisted by housing benefit, but often they have a security of tenure that is no greater than an assured shorthold tenancy of six months.

In addition—I suspect that this applies to the constituencies of most colleagues, given the way that housing allocation policies work—it is now often extremely difficult for working families on modest incomes to access social housing. A working family—a husband and wife both at work on modest incomes, with two children—have little choice nowadays but to rent in the private rented sector, with significantly less security of tenure. For those reasons alone, and particularly because of that disparity, there are issues that need to be properly debated. As I understand it, what my right hon. Friend the Minister for Housing and Local Government is seeking to do, in part, is remove some of the types of distinctions that have, over time, grown up almost by accident as we have developed housing policy.

There are a number of questions that are genuinely about all of us wanting information and knowledge. For example, I see that my right hon. Friend intends to introduce a new tenancy for social tenants called “affordable rent”. As I understand it, that will effectively almost give a person a short-term tenancy as a social tenant, but there are a number of issues to consider.

At the moment, if one becomes a tenant of a social landlord, one is generally enabled to remain a tenant of a social landlord for as long as one wants. Of course, that is one of the reasons why people are understandably very anxious to be able to access a social housing tenancy; they know that they will then be able to remain in that sector pretty much for as long as they want. However, what happens when someone ceases to be a tenant of an affordable rent tenancy? Do they remain in the social sector? Or what then happens in terms of definitions of statutory homelessness and so on?

We must engage collectively with the substantive issues and not the non-issues, but that is not a criticism of colleagues in the House today. Whether this measure is a new homes “bonus” or a new “homes” bonus is a matter of fact; it should not require a whole load of debates across the House. So I just say to the Under-Secretary that the more the Government, and in particular my right hon. and hon. Friends in the Department for Communities and Local Government, can do to explain all this, the more we will be able to focus on the substantive issues, rather than debating things that are fanciful.

[Mr Andrew Smith]

The comments of my honourable colleague from Oxfordshire about the availability of mortgages and the need for more detail on the housing bonus were well made. I am not quite clear whether he supports the idea that because some people in the private sector are insecure, it is a good idea to make people in the social sector insecure. If he supports that, does he accept that it will have appalling consequences on families? We could all go round an estate and see which houses have shorthold tenancies, because the gardens are a mess and the houses are dilapidated. Does that not threaten to have an awful effect on communities?

[Tony Baldry]

The point that I am trying to make is that at present we have an artificial division in the housing market. On housing estates in the right hon. Gentleman’s constituency and mine, families that would have been the anchors of traditional 1950s estates on which those of our age grew up—working families from Cowley and so on—find themselves in an insecure position as assured shorthold tenants. Whether the categories of tenancies and tenants are endurable in the 21st century is a legitimate debate. I am trying to understand exactly what the Government are proposing. I am seeking knowledge, because our councillors and constituents will soon come to us asking for an explanation, and I would like to be able to provide one.

That takes me to housing benefit, and I have some questions for my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary. I have heard my right hon. Friend the Minister for Housing and Local Government say that the Government intend to increase rents in both the private rented sector and, particularly, the social sector, to nearer 80% of market rents, but families will be able to access housing benefit. I am not clear about this; I  need an explanation of the suggestion that a greater return from housing investment would attract more investors from the private sector—banks and so on. That may be a worthwhile objective, but if that is funded by housing benefit, I do not understand how it will reduce the housing benefit bill. I want to understand how those two policy imperatives relate.

When public finances are tight, we cannot pretend that we can do as Harold Macmillan was able to do in the halcyon days of the 1950s and build as many new homes as we want. Sadly, that option is not available to us, but if we are not to have a frustrating non-debate, the more information that the Government can provide about what is intended, the better.