(12 years, 11 months ago)
Commons ChamberI am delighted to have secured this debate. I look forward to hearing the Minister’s comments on the wider issues that I shall raise.
First, let me set out the current state of fuel poverty in Scotland. Fuel poverty afflicts a cross-section of society. It is determined by the percentage of one’s income that is spent on energy bills: to be exact, when a household spends more than 10% per cent of its income on gas and electricity, it is deemed to be in fuel poverty. One third of Scottish households live in fuel poverty. The Scottish Government believe that, after recent energy price rises more than 900,000 Scottish households will be living in fuel poverty. I fear that we are on the edge of a fuel poverty crisis and that in the coming years that figure will reach the 1 million mark in Scotland alone.
Colder winters in the rest of the UK have not stopped the Scottish National party Administration in Edinburgh cutting the fuel poverty budget by a third, and aided by what the Tory-led Government are doing, the poor and needy are set to suffer even more in the years to come. In constituencies such as mine, as well as others, fuel poverty relates predominantly, although not exclusively, to pensioner poverty; however, many who are not pensioners —people with severe disabilities, single parents and the unemployed, to name but a few—are also in fuel poverty.
My home city of Glasgow is fairly youthful compared with other cities in Scotland, but there is a large elderly population. Among those of pensionable age, there are large pockets of severe pensioner poverty, to which my constituency is sadly not an exception and from which it suffers more than most. When I was elected to Parliament in November 2000, 80% of single pensioner households in Scotland lived on an annual income of £15,000 or less. Today that figure is 60%—admittedly less than in 2000, but still unacceptable. With 13,500 pensioner households in my constituency alone—one of the highest concentrations of pensioners in Europe—hon. Members will understand why this issue is of grave importance to me as a local MP and why I am raising it today. About 6,500 people are claiming pension credit in my constituency, which is consistently ranked 7th out of all Scottish parliamentary constituencies in that respect. My constituency has the highest proportion of single women pensioners in the entire country, and according to official figures their number will continue to rise, with over two thirds of women over 85 in Scotland projected to live alone by 2033. Glasgow North West is fast becoming—sadly for me—like the name of a recent film, “No Country for Old Men”.
Because 65% of single pensioner households and about half of smaller pensioner households in Scotland were classified as fuel poor in 2009, according to official figures, making them more likely than any other type of household to be experiencing fuel poverty, my constituency casework, as hon. Members can imagine, is dominated by the issue—and rightly so. According to Scottish Government figures, almost a quarter of single pensioner households and a fifth of smaller pensioner households in Scotland are deemed to be in extreme fuel poverty, whereby they spend more than 20% of their disposable income on heating their home. In addition, 8% of pensioners in Scotland live in absolute poverty and one in 10 over-65s are classed as “materially deprived”. Although Scotland is one of the worst affected areas in the UK, many inner-city and rural areas elsewhere have the same severe fuel poverty status. Hon. Members will understand why I believe we are on the verge of a fuel poverty crisis.
What causes fuel poverty? To put it simply, it has three root causes: low incomes, poor housing and high energy prices. Eradicating fuel poverty will involve tackling these three problems. Improving the quality of housing stock is of paramount importance. Although big strides were taken under the previous Government through the decent homes standard, the Warm Front programme and the energy efficiency commitment to improve energy efficiency and install cost-effective heating systems in homes, more has to be done. In Scotland between 2008 and 2010, new housing supply decreased by 16%, house building decreased by 17% and public sector housing provision fell by 1%. I would like to blame the current Government for those things, but unfortunately they were not in power. In 2009, according to Scottish Government figures, new-build housing completions were at their lowest level since 1982, meaning that fewer modern, properly insulated homes are being built. In addition, people living in private sector housing in Scotland are twice as likely as those in social housing to experience extreme fuel poverty. More than a third of pensioners live in housing that is poorly insulated or reliant on expensive heating.
Housing is a devolved matter, however. In this speech, I will focus mainly on areas where the Government potentially have a direct influence. Although I will use Scotland and my constituency as examples, colleagues tell me that the situation is just as bad in many other areas of the UK. I have had to apologise to a number of Members who asked to intervene, because I would have needed hours of extra time to have a proper debate and allow them the time that they so richly deserve.
I hope that the Chancellor and the Government will focus more on the vital role of the tax and benefit system in raising the incomes of the needy. I am sure that the Minister knows that benefit entitlement checks can help to ensure that vulnerable customers are getting their fair share of the millions of pounds of unclaimed benefits. Sadly, the many inches of newsprint about the £1.5 billion-worth of benefit fraud outweigh the coverage given to unclaimed benefits. Do not get me wrong, fraud of any kind should be sought out and punished as it is the poorest who always suffer as a result, but little recognition has been given to the fact that up to £5 billion of means-tested benefits that should go to older people in the United Kingdom are unclaimed each year. I wish that the Government would apply the same gusto to chasing up the pensioners who need that money as they give to those who defraud the welfare system.
I could not discuss fuel poverty without mentioning winter fuel payments. I know that the Conservatives were latecomers to supporting winter fuel payments. I remember the Foreign Secretary, when he was leader of his party, saying that such payments were a gimmick, and I am glad that the Conservatives have now publicly declared their support for them. However, the Chancellor’s decision to cut winter fuel payments to the poorest pensioners by £100 seems a cynical and short-sighted decision in the current economic climate, with incomes falling and energy prices rising.
I congratulate my hon. Friend on securing this important debate. I am sure that he was in the Chamber for Scotland questions earlier today, where the figures for Glasgow were given: 100,000 pensioners face cuts to their winter fuel allowance this year, totalling £4 million, at the same time as their energy bills are rising by up to 20%. Does he share my concern that, sadly, too many pensioners in the UK will have to choose between heating their home and putting food on the table?
My hon. Friend and neighbour makes a very good point. I know that the Minister will say that the Government are not cutting winter fuel payments, but maintaining the level that the Labour party set in government. The fact is that each time the Labour party increased the payments because of the weather, it consolidated them the next year. Had Labour won the election, we would have expected the Government to consolidate the money given last time. That is why I feel that this Government should consolidate that money, particularly at a time when energy prices are rising and when poor people—particularly the elderly—who need the money the most will suffer the most. It is a fact that those who receive the winter fuel allowance will receive less this year than last year. The Labour Government did not do that; the Conservative Government did. They had their opportunity to consolidate the payments, but instead used them as another attack on the poor.
Energy is a major cost to everybody, but especially to people who fall into the trap of fuel poverty. Energy companies constantly remind us of increases in the wholesale costs of oil and gas and increased demand, and add that they are required to invest in modernising their industry to keep climate change commitments; they remind us less often of the Government subsidies that they get to invest in renewables, and still less often of the huge profits that they make, and of the huge profits that they made in the days of cheap oil and gas, none of which have ever been repaid to customers. After all, the profits of the big six energy companies have gone up almost a third since 2008, and payouts to shareholders increased across the board, up an incredible sixfold since 1999 in the case of Centrica, which owns British Gas.
I support renewable energy, but the delivery of clean energy has not matched the price paid by the Government. It is time that we saw a return for our taxpayers’ money. The production—or lack of it—of clean energy is being used to rip off the British people, thus adding to the costs of those who can least afford them. I can compare the scale on which private energy companies have managed to privatise profits but nationalise losses only with the recent bank crisis. The energy customer in the UK—if we were totally honest, we could just call them the British taxpayer, because they are one and the same—is picking up the tab for the excesses, irresponsibility, recklessness and lack of long-term vision of the big six energy companies. Those companies—the energy barons—have managed to turn us into their 21st century serfs. The cheek of some of them knows no bounds. As I pointed out in June, ScottishPower is milking the British consumer: having recently increased energy bills in this country to record levels, it lent £800 million to its foreign sister company, which is based in the US, to keep US energy prices down. That money could have been invested in the UK, or it could have helped to keep UK prices down.
That was not even the first time that that happened. Back in 2008, ScottishPower lent £750 million directly to its Spanish parent, Iberdrola. One can assume only that that was to the benefit of Spanish energy customers. That is not the truly sickening aspect of this problem. This is the first year since 1990 when Iberdrola’s US gas and electricity supply companies have raised their customers’ bills. They have seen increases of 2% and 8%, but the British customer is getting hit by near-20% increases this year, and has been hit by 40% increases since 2007. That same supplier is lending money to the American company.
I believe that that is why the energy companies do not want to be fully transparent. Although extra wholesale market costs increase prices, with full transparency we might discover that market costs are not increasing prices to the extent that the price hikes would suggest. According to Bloomberg, the wholesale price for gas in autumn 2008 went above 70p per therm, compared with 59p per therm today. That shows that wholesale gas prices have actually dropped 15%. Similarly, prices in the wholesale electricity market reached £120 per MWh in autumn 2008; today, they are £51.20 per MWh—less than half the price back then.
This is not a case of energy companies being backed into a corner by market forces; it is an act of collective incompetence and ineptitude, leading to a cartel of companies backing consumers into a corner by raising prices in tandem. I therefore suggest that we break up the big six’s monopoly and allow other providers to enter the energy market. I would like to see a major co-operative energy supplier and/or a big supermarket chain, such as Tesco, giving the big six some competition.