(1 day, 10 hours ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, I commend the Northern Ireland Scrutiny Committee on producing such a comprehensive and well-considered report. I also pay tribute to the noble Lord, Lord Murphy, for his independent review, which was carried out with the levels of diligence and common sense for which he has been renowned over many years. Given the presence of several members of the committee here tonight whose individual views I was keen to hear, I will keep my remarks relatively brief.
Despite the best efforts of the committee and the noble Lord, Lord Murphy, Northern Ireland continues to find itself in nothing short of a mess. In common with several of my unionist colleagues here today, I supported Brexit. I felt that it was right for the United Kingdom to regain responsibility for its own future and to become a rule-maker rather than a rule-taker, removing the dominant role played by Brussels. I believe that Brexit offered gilt-edged economic opportunities for Northern Ireland, with its highly educated workforce. I regarded the return of undiluted British sovereignty as a primary means to copper-fasten the Province’s cherished place in the heart of the union.
Unfortunately, in the decade since the UK voted to leave the EU, Northern Ireland’s position in our union has been diminished. The Irish Sea border, the extent of which a former Secretary of State in the previous Conservative Government famously denied, remains in place, causing untold chaos for businesses in the Province and in Great Britain. As noble Lords have noted, prices for Northern Ireland consumers have risen significantly as the range of products available to them has fallen through the floor. All the while, the EU continues to set the rules for so much of everyday life there, with its people having little or no say on new laws being thrust upon us.
The Northern Ireland Scrutiny Committee and the noble Lord, Lord Murphy, have done the Province a service in highlighting the areas of the Windsor Framework where improvements can be made. What we now need is clear evidence that His Majesty’s Government are sincere and serious about their commitment to implementing the many recommendations put forward. Tinkering around at the edges will not work, particularly given the prospect of more diktats from Brussels in the months and years ahead. There is an urgent requirement for Ministers to prove to Northern Ireland businesses and consumers that they understand the problems that the framework has caused for them, to demonstrate that change is on the way and to provide some degree of certainty on precisely when the most damaging aspects will be dealt with.
As we are all too aware, the Windsor Framework is remarkably complex, as we have seen this evening. However, one aspect of its operation that was trumpeted by the Government at that time was the so-called Stormont brake. In its report, the Northern Ireland Scrutiny Committee correctly highlights that some witnesses had questioned the Stormont brake’s effectiveness and suggested that it had been oversold. When the mechanism was triggered by unionist parties in the Assembly in December 2024, the Northern Ireland Secretary said that the conditions for using it had not been met, raising further scepticism about its very existence.
Out of respect for the work put in by the committee and the noble Lord, Lord Murphy, I am trying very hard to be positive. I therefore welcome, as many of the former speakers have done, the Government’s agreement to establish a one-stop shop facility for the Windsor Framework guidance and support. I agree that this has the potential to deliver benefits for businesses in Great Britain as well as Northern Ireland, with an emphasis on the Province’s dual market access.
The one-stop shop is due to be backed by more than £16 million in public spending, announced by the Chancellor in her November Budget. However, I would be grateful if the Minister could provide some clarity on precisely when she expects this to come into operation. The Government have previously indicated that it will be within the next financial year. Noble Lords will obviously be well aware that we are only a matter of days away from the new financial year, which potentially gives Ministers a 12-month window to introduce the one-stop shop. Needless to say, I trust it will be sooner.
When the Prime Minister visited Belfast last week, the Ulster Unionist Party asked him to consider pausing any further introduction of Windsor Framework legislation until the conclusion of the ongoing negotiations between the UK and EU. The reason for doing this was reports that Government Ministers had recently advised farming leaders in Great Britain to prepare for an SPS agreement in 2027. Then, delivering her Mais lecture last week, the Chancellor announced that UK divergence from EU regulations would be
“the exception, not the norm”.
Rather than forcing Northern Ireland into yet further costly and unnecessary divergence from the market in Great Britain, might it not be prudent for the implication of the new EU regulations in Northern Ireland to be halted until the direction of travel of the negotiations with Brussels is known? I would welcome a response from the Minister.
(4 years, 8 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I confess that I cannot comment in detail on discussions with the Republic of Ireland but I will ensure that I inform the noble Lord appropriately.
My Lords, my Ulster Unionist colleague, the Northern Ireland Health Minister, Robin Swann, has been one of the heroes of the pandemic. I know that he has appreciated the co-operation, co-ordination and support offered to him and to the Province by the United Kingdom Government. However, given the success of the four-nation approach to tackling Covid-19, should we not now be working equally as closely towards the goal of bringing down NHS waiting lists, which in Northern Ireland were already much longer than anywhere else in the United Kingdom before the first lockdown and have worsened considerably ever since?
My Lords, the Prime Minister met the First Minister on 3 June to discuss Covid recovery. I say to the noble Lord that clinical co-operation is ingrained in the NHS, and there are mutual and specialised commissioning arrangements already in place between the nations that allow patients to access services across the UK. We hope that these arrangements, as well as data sharing and best practice, will help to ensure a strong recovery and deliver tangible outcomes in the interests of people throughout the United Kingdom.
(4 years, 9 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I consider that a less than enthusiastic response to an initiative in respect of which I have welcomed the support of Her Majesty’s Official Opposition. The Prime Minister is tasking the whole of government, working with the new council and office, to take the success of the United Kingdom’s approach to vaccines and apply it to other priorities. We are setting bold visions, acting with speed and taking risks which can bring high rewards and benefits to the UK, including developing technology to reach net zero and cure cancer, not only treat it. A broad range of work will take place. Funding for specific programmes of research is obviously a matter for the normal process of the consideration of public finance.
My Lords, in principle I welcome the creation of this new body, and in particular the Government’s commitment to operate on a UK-wide basis. What additional assurances can the Minister offer me to persuade the people of Northern Ireland that something positive will come out of this high-profile announcement and that they will stand to benefit? Further, I am a little alarmed that the intention is that the Prime Minister will chair it and that Sir Patrick Vallance, who already serves as the Government’s Chief Scientific Adviser and head of the Government Office for Science, will take on this new responsibility as national technology adviser. If this body is to work, would it not be better for it to be headed by individuals whose time is not currently dominated by tackling a global pandemic?
My Lords, on the noble Lord’s first question, I reiterate what I said in response to the initial Question: the intention is absolutely to work co-operatively. I believe, despite comments made in certain quarters, that most will welcome the Prime Minister’s personal commitment to lead and support this. Sir Patrick Vallance has extensive experience in the academic world, in industry and in working with Ministers in his role as Chief Scientific Adviser. We believe that provides a strong foundation for the role, along with the leadership qualities Sir Patrick clearly demonstrates. It is a considerable new role, but we have full confidence that he can perform both roles. He will of course be fully supported by the new office for science and technology strategy in the Cabinet Office.
(4 years, 9 months ago)
Grand CommitteeThe Grand Committee stands adjourned until 4.10 pm. I remind Members to sanitise their desks and chairs before leaving the Room.
(5 years, 9 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, the Virtual Proceedings will now adjourn until a convenient point after 4.30 pm for the Question for Short Debate in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Anelay of St Johns.
(7 years, 2 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I also congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Lisvane, on securing this most timely of debates. He brings a depth of knowledge to your Lordships’ House and is also a fellow Celt, which adds to his appeal. I agree with the contention implicit in the Motion before us today. But Brexit was destined to pose a perceived threat to the stability of our precious union because some nationalists were bound to use it for that purpose. The Scottish National Party has set the bar predictably low. But against the expectations of many, I argue that one of the few positives of the Brexit process so far—I say this as an outer—is that it has strengthened the union.
Further, I believe that Northern Ireland’s status as a valued component part of the United Kingdom has rarely been more secure. The debate around the so-called backstop to avoid the threat of a hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic has been passionate. The issue remains unresolved, but I do not have time to dwell on its finer details.
However, I take grave issue with those who claim that Brexit poses a threat to the hard-won peace on the island of Ireland. Such statements are not only wrong but opportunistic and insulting. The backstop debate has led many parliamentarians, both in your Lordships’ House and in the other place, to speak up for Northern Ireland, defend the Belfast agreement and remind those in other parts of the United Kingdom of the right of the people of the Province to self-determination. This has been very welcome, and I am grateful.
In contrast to Scotland, there has not been a constant demand in Northern Ireland for a referendum on our future within the United Kingdom. Yet many nationalists by definition still want a united Ireland and are perfectly entitled to that opinion. But most people, from both unionist and nationalist backgrounds, are more interested in Brexit and share a desire for a devolved Government to be restored to Northern Ireland.
It is a constitutional outrage that this month marks two years since the Northern Ireland Executive collapsed. In the intervening period, local people have been left without accountable Ministers taking decisions on their behalf. Our schools and hospitals, along with much else, have been left to spiral into decline. Your Lordships will accept that no Government, Labour or Conservative, would allow this to happen in any other part of the United Kingdom. So why is it allowed to happen in Northern Ireland?
We who live there deserve so much better than this. Our children are entitled to receive the best possible quality of education, delivered in properly funded schools. For two years, they have had to settle for second best, with parents and teachers often having to dip into their own pockets to pay for materials. The sick and the infirm are entitled to receive the best possible quality of healthcare, provided in properly funded hospitals. For two years, they have had to settle for second best, as waiting lists have lengthened ever further.
There is a widely held view that Her Majesty’s Government will make no further efforts to restore devolution in Northern Ireland until after the Brexit deadline on 29 March. I suspect that the Government’s dependence on the Democratic Unionist Party to keep them in office and to get Brexit through is not unrelated to that. This was clearly evidenced last night in another place, to the DUP’s obvious delight.
However, I ask the Minister directly to convey my message to his colleagues, in his characteristically polite manner. The Brexit process is a mess—I do not need to remind the Minister of that. As a result, there are growing rumours that the Government will have no option but to request an extension of Article 50 from the European Union. I believe this scenario will become more apparent in the coming days, when Members of Parliament gather to debate and vote on new ways forward, almost certainly including fresh negotiations in Brussels, which will require yet more time. Should an extension of Article 50 be deemed necessary, I implore Ministers not to use this as an excuse to further delay attempts to restore a properly accountable Northern Ireland Executive.
Initial suggestions were that the Article 50 extension would be until 1 July. This morning, I read several reports that it could now be until the end of this year or even beyond. The people of Northern Ireland cannot and should not be expected to wait any longer for a restoration of devolved government to return to the political agenda. Otherwise, the warm words of Ministers, in your Lordships’ House and elsewhere, about how much they supposedly value Northern Ireland’s place in the Union, will, I fear, blow cold.
(11 years, 2 months ago)
Lords ChamberI think that my noble friend will find that a Labour MP from Liverpool was actually sentenced for non-payment of the poll tax as a political protest.
The noble Lord, Lord Maginnis, served time in prison in Belfast for a political rather than a criminal act.
Lord Finkelstein
Is it the noble Lord’s judgment in those cases that recall would have been successful?