Health and Social Care Bill Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateLord Ribeiro
Main Page: Lord Ribeiro (Conservative - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Lord Ribeiro's debates with the Department of Health and Social Care
(13 years, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I am pleased to follow the noble Lord, Lord Mawson, with his robust defence of entrepreneurship and innovation. The Health and Social Care Bill presents a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to deliver a patient-centred health service. The Bill builds on the reforms of the last Labour Administration, but in a much more comprehensive manner. As a surgical registrar at the Middlesex Hospital in 1972, ward rounds consisted of doctors, nurses, physiotherapists, social workers and the lady almoner. Coffee in the sister’s office provided an opportunity to plan the progress of patients from hospital to home care and support in the community. This was an example of hospital care working closely with social care. Subsequent reviews and reforms of the NHS have entrenched the separation between social care and health care, and this Bill addresses a need for an integrated service led by clinicians who should have a greater say in how the service is commissioned and delivered, but must also be prepared to accept the responsibility and accountability that this autonomy provides.
For too long, political interference in the day-to-day management of the NHS, occasioned by the need for politicians to account for taxpayers’ money, has bedevilled the NHS. Micromanagement and top-down diktats imposing targets and guidance, often with no sound clinical evidence to support them, have frustrated clinicians over the years, stifling leadership and innovation. I should know, because I have often been at the receiving end. The emphasis placed on quality outcome measures by the noble Lord, Lord Darzi, as he eloquently outlined today, and in his NHS review of 2008, indicated for the first time a move from politically driven targets which were process-based to evidence-based practice supported by research.
The Government’s White Paper Equity and Excellence: Liberating the NHS was widely welcomed in July of this year by the profession. It noted that:
“The primary purpose of the NHS is to improve the outcomes of healthcare for all”.
It went on to say:
“Building on Lord Darzi’s work, the Government will now establish improvements in quality and healthcare outcomes as the primary purpose of all NHS-funded care”.
Clause 2 does just that. It talks about outcomes, the effectiveness of the services, measured by clinical outcomes and patient-reported outcome—something which is already happening within surgery, the safety of the services and the quality of the experience undergone by the patient. The inclusion of research as a new duty for the Secretary of State puts an onus on him or her to promote the use of evidence obtained from research, a duty which also relates to the NHS Commissioning Board and the clinical commissioning groups. Other noble Lords will, I am sure, speak about the importance of research, but it is important that the Chief Medical Officer who, as the Chief Scientific Adviser and Director of the National Institute of Healthcare Research, must be given the independence of action to ensure that the Commissioning Board and the clinical commissioning groups take account of the evidence of research.
In a debate on the NHS Futures Forum on 15 September, I raised the issue of the independence of the Commissioning Board and the need to free it of political interference. I referred to the King’s Fund report Reconfiguring Hospital Services as an example of how hospital services can be reconfigured without political interference, making reference to the experience in Ontario. The decision to close the A&E and maternity services at Chase Farm was an example of how the evidence for reconfiguration has been available for many years—17, I believe—but the political will to use it was lacking. Freed from such pressure, the Commissioning Board should be able to make decisions which politicians find difficult to make, even when the evidence for change is there for all to see.
The White Paper also called for clinical leadership and this was echoed by the Future Forum. Now is the time for the medical profession to stand up and be counted. The Royal College of Surgeons, of which I am a Fellow and a patron, has said very firmly that the time for delay has passed. It is nine months since the Bill was first read; an in-depth review by the Future Form, taking evidence from more than 7,000 people and receiving 25,000 e-mail comments, has been accepted almost entirely by the Government and many amendments reflecting their concerns are now included in the Bill.
As a surgeon, I am aware that we must do more to deal with the demand for healthcare. Much of this relates to public health. The problems relate to obesity. Britain has among the worst levels of obesity in the world and it is increasing. Smoking claims over 80,000 lives a year, and alcohol dependency is a problem for 1.6 million people in the UK. These are all public health issues which put enormous strain on the capacity of the NHS to cope. Diabetes, cardiovascular disease, respiratory diseases and cancer are some of the non-communicable diseases which are on the increase and they require prevention rather than cure.
Public health, in the form of clean air, clean water and sanitation and vaccination against communicable diseases, improved the health of the nation during the last century. It has increased the quality and the extent of life. We need to make provision for our elderly population, through greater integration of our health services, dealing with social care as well as acute care, and focusing on a care pathway, not just the condition. The Secretary of State’s responsibility for public health is welcome and is a clear indication that the Cinderella service has come of age and can take its place alongside acute care in terms of the total care of the patient.
Like many noble Lords, I have received countless e-mails about today’s debate. An abiding theme is privatisation and the Americanisation of our health service and the threat of cherry-picking by American companies. It might be helpful to put the term “cherry-picking” in context. It was first used in a submission I made as president of the Royal College of Surgeons to the Health Select Committee of the House of Commons when we were meeting on the independent sector treatment centres in February 2006. On 10 January 2006, the Secretary of State said of the independent sector:
“But I recognise that other reasons for using the independent sector to add to the innovations already happening within the NHS and to introduce an element of competition and challenge to under-performing services is a harder argument to win, so we will continue to respond to legitimate concerns, for instance to ensure that training for junior doctors is provided within the independent sector treatment centres”—
that still has not happened—
“and more generally to provide a level playing field for different providers within the NHS”.
That was five years ago. In my oral submission to the Health Select Committee on 9 March 2006, I welcomed the Secretary of State’s statement as it sought a level playing field. “Any qualified provider”—with the emphasis on “qualified”, as the noble Baroness, Lady Jay, required—seeks to ensure that competition within the NHS will be fair. It is not a new concept and I believe that the Bill addresses the concerns raised in 2006. In Committee, I will seek to explore in more detail how post-operative complications arising from surgery by qualified providers will be managed, to ensure that they do not place an unfair burden on the NHS. For many years, the medical profession has called for an end to top-down management, targets and political diktats on health, and they remain frustrated with the workings of the PCTs.
This Bill heralds a shift from central command and control to patient and professional power. It provides an opportunity to improve health outcomes for patients and remove layers of bureaucracy which have built up, at great cost to the NHS. No change is not an option. Doing nothing will see health costs rise to £130 billion by 2015. We need to act now to safeguard the NHS for future generations.