India: General Election 2014

Lord Paul Excerpts

Thursday 23rd October 2014 Grand Committee

[Lord Paul (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, I commend the noble Lord, Lord Dholakia, for providing us with this opportunity to focus on an issue that is timely and important. The relationship between Britain and India is unusual and remarkable: unusual because we have moved without rancour from an imperial association to a lasting friendship of equals; remarkable because it is rare that great nations with such different cultural wellsprings share unshakeable common commitments to democracy and the rule of law.

As we reflect on these affinities and how they flow into our assessment, we should note that this is a very special year for India. In May, India engaged in the largest democratic happening in human history. Its 16th national election embraced an electorate of more than 800 million voters, a larger number than all the combined electorates of the European Union and North America. It takes more than 30 separate national elections to produce the governing institutions of the European Union and North America; it takes just one election to produce the Government of India.

The election of 2014 was also marked by a new maturity in voting. At these polls, Indians transcended old divisions of caste and religion, largely leaving behind sectarianism, to vote for national concerns such as employment and anti-corruption. A new leader—we must congratulate Mr Narendra Modi—was able to secure a one-party majority and a stable Government after many years of minority or coalition rule. In these days of political turmoil, times when democracy often seems so unstable and fragile, this bodes well for the future of India.

When I speak of affinities and common commitments, I am well aware that Britain and India have many differences and many divergent interests. Yet, after a lifetime linked to both societies, I am deeply conscious that the things that unite us are far greater than those which divide us. This is why I am concerned, and share the disquiet that so many Indians feel, about the stream of ungenerous and often ill-informed advice that is directed from this country to India, generally offering unsolicited counsel on how India should conduct its democracy and manage its affairs. I shall provide a few instances.

On human rights, there are cases of abuse in India but they are invariably investigated through independent judicial enquiries and the outcomes are inevitably taken very seriously. Ill founded allegations are made over and again, suggesting Indian indifference to these situations.

On corruption, there are serious issues, but the Modi Government have addressed this with unprecedented vigour and seem to be making progress on this hugely complex problem, a problem that your Lordships well know is not confined to India. Even Britain is not exempt. Little, if any, credit is given to the determined efforts now under way to correct this situation.

On Kashmir, there is a cascade of intrusive comment, instruction and advice. India is in constant discussion with Pakistan and has made it clear that Kashmir is an integral part of India.

Most Indians, irrespective of whether or not they support Mr Modi, were profoundly upset when a few years ago some Governments refused him a visa, or were reluctant to issue him with one. The issue was sectarian riots in the state of Gujarat and the very sad loss of life on both sides. However, twice thereafter Mr Modi was democratically re-elected as the Chief Minister of that state, and the Supreme Court cleared him of any blame. These are just some random examples of the continuous and irritating admonitions that are endlessly repeated, sometimes by those whose irresponsibility is surprising.

The point I am making is not that transgressions should be overlooked or excused, but that the needless pursuit of ill-informed criticism and unfair comment can only damage the good relations that characterise the Indo-British nexus. The haranguing of proud and independent countries is not conducive to discourse between democratic nations. I am sorry to see the slow decline of the Indo-British relationship over the past decade. When I ended my five-year term as co-chair of the UK-India round table in 2005, relations between the two countries were about the best they had ever been, although I am not claiming any personal credit for that. Now is the time to re-establish those links and welcome honest dialogue between us. India has an unparalleled opportunity to progress in a way that will provide opportunity for all its people. As Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said this week, we are for,

“a market economy but with a social conscience”.

Let us do what we can to assist India’s advancement, as I am sure the Indian people will respond with great vigour and that will be a win-win situation for both countries.

Before I close, I would like to raise one small point. When the Foreign Secretary and the Chancellor of the Exchequer visited India in July, they announced with great fanfare that a statue of Mahatma Gandhi would be erected in Parliament Square as a sign of the concord between our two nations. Initially the Indian people were delighted by this generous gesture, but I am afraid that a degree of doubt has crept in because the funds are going to be raised by public subscription. The Chancellor himself has said that the British economy is in great shape, so I find it rather surprising that Her Majesty’s Government are unable to fund this modest project.

Today is a day of sublime importance in India. As the noble Lord, Lord Dholakia, said in his opening, it is Diwali, the festival of lights, which symbolises the victory of good over evil, of knowledge over ignorance and of hope over despair. It is a metaphor that I hope will inform the perceptions and assessments that this debate concerns.

Syria and the Use of Chemical Weapons

Lord Paul Excerpts

Thursday 29th August 2013 Lords Chamber

[Lord Paul]

My Lords, it is with a heavy heart that I rise today. As so many of your Lordships have remarked, the tragic situation in Syria deserves the most extreme condemnation from all nations. I am saddened by the willingness of certain groups in this country, the United States and Europe to advocate military action to punish whoever in their view is responsible for recent transgressions. To witness evil and not to fight is not credible, yet to set oneself up as judge, jury and executioner over another sovereign territory is to assume an arrogance that itself cannot be condoned. The notion that those who have the military power should intervene in others’ disputes at their own discretion could have potentially dangerous consequences, especially in regions such as south Asia. The defence of human rights, if it is sincere, is commendable, but it must be authorised by proper international procedures and sustained by wide international support if it is to be credible.

In this instance, even those who do not have an in-depth knowledge of the Syrian conflict are aware that layer upon layer of sectarianism, ethnic conflicts, tribal wars and other hatreds have been unleashed. Jumping into this turmoil seems at the very least to be lacking in wisdom and failing to recall the recent lessons of both Iraq and Afghanistan. Our international reputation is not enhanced by appearing to be trigger-happy. So many other western interventions in non-western areas since the Second World War have been disasters, such as in Vietnam, Algeria, Suez, Lebanon, Libya and Egypt, to name but a few. In these days of our own internal difficulties, we do not need more. There are many other methods—from sanctions and indirect assistance to evoking international law—that can be pursued. Let the cauldron boil if it must, but let us not voluntarily get burnt by plunging into it.

People to whom I talk, particularly in the developing nations, cannot understand why we keep taking it on ourselves to intervene in other countries’ issues. We must not forget the heavy cost in terms of those in our own armed services who lose their lives or suffer terrible injuries in these conflicts and whose families are so affected. I pay tribute to all the brave service men and women who sacrifice so much.

Finally, let us remember one sad message of history. There is no such thing as a short Middle East war. Once you are in it, you are in for a long and brutal ride. The proposed conflict fills me with a deep sense of foreboding. That is why I urge the Government to practise restraint and beware of becoming an instrument of the confrontational arrogance of others.