(11 years, 6 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, it pains me to oppose this amendment because the noble Lords, Lord Willis, Lord Patel and Lord Winston, are people for whom I have the highest possible regard. Each in their own way has made outstanding contributions to issues relating to medicine and science in your Lordships’ House. Almost invariably, we have found ourselves singing the same tune, if perhaps sometimes in slightly different keys. Having said that, however, I am opposed to the amendment because I thought that this battle had been won two years ago. Admittedly, when this Government came into office, they embarked on what they called the “bonfire of the quangos”. A huge number of quangos were abolished, but after careful consideration and an attempt to merge these two bodies, the decision was made that they should continue to function independently.
Let me give my reasons for taking this view. When I came to this House in 1989, my baptism of fire was the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill that later became an Act. It was based upon the Warnock report. The function of the Bill was to create a Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority that would license bodies and scientists working on research into the human embryo up to 14 days after fertilisation with, first, the objective of improving the treatment of infertility and, secondly, of helping in the prevention of inherited diseases. The noble Lord, Lord Winston, and others were among those who were eventually extraordinarily successful in carrying out the procedure known as pre-implantation diagnosis in order to detect embryos which were likely to cause serious human diseases. That was a very important development.
Subsequently, several other amendments were introduced—and I was deeply involved in those debates in your Lordships’ House—so that the licence could allow people to embark on research with these objectives and to address the important and crucial issue of carrying out research into the treatment of human disease. That in turn led to the development of the mechanism for creating stem cells for the treatment of human disease. There has been a series of progressive amendments that have been fully debated in your Lordships’ House. Now we are faced with the very exciting prospect, following an extensive period of consultation, whereby embryos can be created by pronuclear transfer derived from women who are likely to pass on devastating mitochondrial genetic mutations to all of their children of both sexes. The consultation is now complete and we can look with hope towards the prospect of the regulations to allow those embryos to be implanted being introduced into your Lordships’ House. This is a crucial development. I agree entirely with certain things that the noble Lord, Lord Winston, has said—the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority has not functioned as effectively as it might. However, his criticisms were largely concerned not with the potential merger but with the actual performance of the body as an authority.
I was also heavily involved in the debates in your Lordships’ House on the formation of the Human Tissue Authority. This body arose as a result of the so-called Alder Hey scandal where a huge number of human brains and other organs were kept in the hospital without the permission of the families. Of course, it was not recognised in many debates at the time that certain members of the medical profession held a widespread, ill-founded belief that once permission was given by a family for a post mortem examination it was proper to retain organs. That belief was partly based on the fact that to establish a diagnosis after a post mortem examination it is essential that certain organs are fixed in formalin before they can be studied and before the diagnosis can be confirmed. This is crucial. As a result of the so-called Alder Hey scandal the Human Tissue Authority was established. It has the authority to license anatomy departments to handle human organs and pathology departments to study human samples, both full organs and biopsy specimens. It has the authority to license organs being used for transplantation purposes and many similar functions. These departments in universities and hospitals are licensed by the HTA.
The function of these two bodies is entirely different and I do not believe that it is sensible—even in the attempt to create another quango which brings together two quangos—to merge them. The new body would undoubtedly have to create two sub-committees, one to look at human fertilisation and embryology and another to look at the issues of human tissue and the retention of it. I therefore do not support this amendment.
I disagree with my noble, respected and even revered friend Lord Walton of Detchant. He fundamentally fails to understand this amendment. It does not remove the research functions of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority. I have spoken strongly in the past about embryo research, including cell nuclear transfer and mitochondrial research. It is the authority that has held up for so long the progress in mitochondrial research. We should have been doing something about it at least 18 months ago. This amendment does not remove that function, nor does it remove the functions of the Human Tissue Authority, but by amalgamating these functions we can better promote research. The authority and functions of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority—and now we are entering into a science debate, which is not the purpose of the Bill—stop once it gives a licence to do specific research on an embryo. Once the embryonic stem cells are created it has no authority over how those cells are used. Once the cells are used to create a tissue for research it does not have any authority, but the Human Tissue Authority may do. By amalgamating the two you are co-ordinating this research function and maybe improving it. I hope that my noble and revered friend accepts that explanation.
(12 years, 9 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I have added my name to this amendment, which has been moved by my noble friend Lady Emerton. The case for statutory registration, which I strongly support, has been made in a tempered way by my noble friend. Perhaps I may first try to address the lone voice of the noble Baroness, Lady Pitkeathley, because she must be concerned about being the lone voice. She said that we should allow the current regulations and procedures to take effect before making a decision. Currently, we have no procedures. There are proposals to put procedures in place both for training and possibly for registration, but we have nothing apart from that. I went to the seminars, although with respect I have to say that they were not very helpful. There are two points I want to make as a result.
When asked about the question of voluntary versus statutory registration, the response of the officers of the Council for Healthcare Regulatory Excellence—I wrote it down at the time—was that it is based on the “likely risks”; that is, if the risk is high there must be statutory registration, but if the risk is low it could be voluntary registration. Ample evidence has been provided by two former nurses in this House, my noble friend Lady Emerton and the noble Lord, Lord MacKenzie of Culkein, to show that we are talking about a high-risk situation. The second comment was that it was not within the power of the CHRE to decide whether registration should be statutory or voluntary. Of course it can take a view, and if that view is based on evidence, it would be taken seriously. However, the evidence presented by all the speakers in today’s debate is quite contrary. On both of those counts, the council’s arguments are weakened. I shall leave it at that.
I accept that we are talking about a huge workforce, one of 450,000 or perhaps more. It could be higher than that if healthcare support workers are employed in the community, in care homes and institutions for mental illness and care. So while I welcome the Government’s plans to introduce new minimum standards of training for healthcare support workers, they do not go far enough to ensure professional competence. While there would be an expectation that employers will both provide training and support a code of conduct, there will be no legal obligation to do so. I may be wrong and no doubt I will be corrected, but I believe that a mandatory, standardised approach to both training and regulation is essential in order to maximise public protection.
The noble Lord, Lord MacKenzie of Culkein, referred to the long list of activities in which healthcare support workers now engage. It is quite different from what I was used to. Nursing auxiliaries would undertake essential nursing care and sometimes domestic duties. Those support roles have now been extended, to the point of what the noble Lord, Lord MacKenzie, described as cannulation and catheterisation. As well as the issues of public safety and protection referred to by my noble friend Lady Emerton, there is a lack of clarification on areas of responsibility, delegation and accountability. Evidence shows that the responsibilities and tasks given to healthcare support workers vary across the country, and even within the same setting—for example, between different wards in the same hospital. In addition, the relationship between individual registered nurses and the healthcare support workers working alongside them can sometimes determine what duties they are asked to perform rather than recognition of their education, training, experience and competence. This variation across and within settings has led to a lack of clarity about roles and responsibilities.
Regulation and standardised training would give healthcare support workers much more clearly defined roles, and I agree with the Government’s intentions on this. This would help to ensure that support workers are only asked to perform tasks that are suitable for their competencies and would provide them with a code of conduct. They would be protected in circumstances where they are asked to undertake tasks for which they are not competent or about which they are unsure. I support that and I am glad that the Government, together with the professional organisations, are beginning to set out their intentions. No doubt the Minister will comment further on that.
I turn now to the issue of voluntary versus statutory registration. I believe that voluntary registration over the long term will lead to fundamental weaknesses. Those individuals and employers who most need to be regulated may not sign up to a voluntary register or could abuse the flexibility of its voluntary status. Through the proposed reforms in this Bill, an increased number of service providers is expected, and that might confuse the situation even more. There will be greater mobility in the workforce which could create the possibility for professionals to avoid reprimand following poor conduct by seeking employment with a different employer. Over the long term, voluntary registration will allow any organisation, employer, representative body or third party to establish a register. Some of those registers may well be successful and could, for example, achieve a “kitemark” standard. The noble Baroness, Lady Pitkeathley, referred to “assured registration”, but I do not know what that is. Is it a halfway house to statutory registration or is it half way down the road to inadequate voluntary registration? I presume that it would be a halfway house to statutory registration, which is a good idea.
There would also be the possibility of an individual gaining access to another voluntary register following their expulsion from one. Without national standards, it is not clear what the registers will take into account when accrediting an individual. These issues engender a lack of consistency. One single statutory register with clear terms of reference would not present such a problem. A mandatory register would also provide a single point of contact for potential employers when checking the employability of an individual, and differing levels and standards of registers would not exist.
I recognise, as did my noble friend Lady Emerton, that we are talking about the registration of a large workforce, and that prior to doing so training has to be provided for that large workforce. We need to consider the direction of travel: where we are, where we want to be and how we are going to achieve that. It is an important issue and I look forward to the Minister’s comments.
My Lords, I shall be extremely brief in supporting what my noble friend Lord Patel has said. I have listened with care to the debate. This is a huge workforce in which at the present time the standards of professional behaviour and competence are immensely variable, where the standard of education among the individuals performing these tasks is also extremely variable, and where it is clear that an improvement in standards not only of care but of responsibility and training is absolutely vital. The question we have to ask is how this can best be achieved.
I found the arguments of the noble Baroness, Lady Pitkeathley, very persuasive, and of course I understand the stance she is taking as the chairman of the Council for Healthcare Regulatory Excellence. It is soon to have its name changed, but a rose by any other name will smell as sweet. It will have responsibility for accrediting the voluntary registration of a large number of individuals working in the National Health Service. She is persuaded that a voluntary register for these healthcare support workers would be adequate and satisfactory. However, as my noble friend Lord Patel has asked, what will prevent those individuals who are responsible for or who own care homes taking on board and employing people who are not voluntarily registered? This is a crucial issue, as indeed is the point —it has not been effectively clarified to my satisfaction—about what sanctions may be applied to people who do not fulfil all the eligibility criteria that are to be established for that voluntary register. Having said that the noble Baroness, Lady Pitkeathley, was very persuasive, I am afraid that I find my noble friend Lady Emerton infinitely more persuasive.
For that reason, I have not the slightest doubt that I strongly support the amendment. It is not suggesting that a new register and national body for care assistants or a support workers’ national council needs to be established. The virtue of the amendment is that individual healthcare support workers in England would be regulated in accordance with the terms of the Nursing and Midwifery Order 2001, which is already a statutory order. It seems to be a neat solution to an extremely difficult problem. For that reason, I strongly support the amendment.
I was going to do so after I had heard the noble Baroness speak, because she interrupted my speech. I beg to move the amendment.
My Lords, it is important to amend the amendment, if only because it should say “backgrounds other than medicine” or dentistry.
I should like the noble Baroness to finish her sentence, because I think she was leading on to say professions other than in medicine or dentistry.
(12 years, 9 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I support the amendment. I spoke at length in Committee on a similar amendment and my noble friend Lord Kakkar has covered quite extensively why we need some kind of primary care outcomes framework which assesses the performance of primary care. Primary care will be involved in prevention, diagnosis, treatment and long-term care of patients. Hitherto what we have had is QOF, which has already been found to be lacking in identifying the quality outcomes that demonstrate improvement in care. For example, in cardiovascular disease, evidence was presented from 1,000 primary care practice interviews and their performances as assessed did not show that there was improvement through QOF. Of course in certain other areas, there might be. The management of hypertension again shows no improvement. In a study carried out of chronic hypertensive patients, there is still a high incidence of complications related to hypertension. So we need other measures and in the absence of a primary care outcomes framework, we do not know how primary care will be performance managed.
My Lords, I have put my name to two of these amendments so ably proposed by my noble friend Lord Kakkar. I have been on the medical register now for 67 years. I am a registered medical practitioner and I actually have a licence to practise which allows me to prescribe—not that the opportunities of clinical practice in my present world are very widespread, except on the very rare occasions when I have been called upon to minister to one of your Lordships who may have been taken ill in the precincts of this House. The licence to practise will be subject later this year to a process of revalidation.
If I go back to the days—forgive me again—when I was president of the General Medical Council and served on a number of occasions on its conduct committee’s hearings, it became perfectly clear that some of the doctors referred to the GMC were not actually guilty of serious professional misconduct. However, some of them who came before the conduct committee were in fact practising at a standard which was not adequate in a clinical sense. In other words, there was a question in a number of cases of their clinical competence. In those days the GMC began a process to examine whether, alongside the conduct procedures, we should introduce procedures to be able to identify doctors who were practising at less than an adequate standard of care. In the end, under the noble Lord, Lord Kilpatrick of Kincraig—my successor as president of the GMC—it eventually introduced performance procedures to assess clinical performance. Those performance procedures have continued and have been very effective in identifying and handling appropriately, often with retraining, doctors who were found to be practising at less than an adequate standard of performance.
The Minister may say that when, later this year, doctors will be able to retain their licence to practise subject to a process of full validation of their clinical competence, that may be enough. The fact is that I do not believe it will be, and it is therefore crucial that we have a mechanism in the Bill to deal with this potential issue. After all, over the past 40 or 50 years, there has been a massive improvement in the standard of general medical practice in the UK, following the introduction of compulsory vocational training. Every doctor wishing to be fully capable of being a general practitioner has to undergo, at a minimum, three years’ vocational training. The improvement has been immense, but everyone will recognise that not all practices are of such a uniformly high standard. Some doctors in practices may be less competent than others.
The same may be true—who knows?—of clinical commissioning groups. There is clear evidence that most clinical commissioning groups or consortia of GPs will be providing a high standard of care in the community, but there may be a few that are not up to that standard. It is therefore crucial that we have a mechanism whereby the Secretary of State can be in a position, through amendments such as those proposed by my noble friend Lord Kakkar, to identify those practices and clinical commissioning groups that are not producing clinical care of the adequate and appropriate standard which we all expect and which our communities deserve. For this reason, some kind of monitoring of this sort under the mandate is essential.
(13 years ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I shall be brief in speaking to these amendments. I wholly agree with the principle outlined by the noble Lord, Lord Warner. There are many circumstances in which competition, properly controlled, will benefit the National Health Service and will benefit our community. But, like the noble Baroness, Lady Williams, I too, having worked in the United States, would be deeply concerned if competition were allowed to run riot. Years ago, I saw the affect of this. For instance, in the Massachusetts General Hospital, where I worked many years ago, the president of the hospital told me that they were required to debate and negotiate with no fewer than 47 different insurance companies in order to obtain coverage for the patients whom they treated.
Yet in the United States you still find, in certain communities, perfectly acceptable patterns of community care which are in many ways excellent, not least the Kaiser Permanente plan in California. I also visited an excellent clinic and associated hospital providing a substantial range of primary, secondary and tertiary care to a very wide community in Marshfield, Wisconsin. The Marshfield clinic serves a very large community in that state. All the people in the community pay an annual subscription in return for which they get a full range of primary, secondary and tertiary care of a very high standard. There are islands of excellence.
So far as competition in this country is concerned, I have always believed that the cap imposed upon foundation trusts in relation to private patients was unfair. It was imposed at a particular moment in time and based upon income derived by those individual trusts in a preceding period, and was grossly uneven. I have always favoured a partnership between the public and private sectors. In such hospitals and foundation trusts I believe there is a great advantage to allowing them to have more income from private patient beds: it not only generates income for the National Health Service, it also persuades many consultants to become geographically whole-time, looking after their public and private patients in the same hospital and not having to spend time, as many have in the past, travelling to private hospitals.
I believe in competition and in the public-private mix. But in pursuing that type of programme, it is absolutely crucial that Monitor has the authority to prevent any foundation trust from overstepping the mark and increasing its private provision to the extent that it will harm the services that it gives to NHS patients. I would love to have an assurance from the Minister that Monitor will be able to fulfil the function of controlling excesses which could damage the National Health Service if private provision went too far.
My Lords, briefly, we are getting a bit confused between the amendment of the noble Lord, Lord Warner, which I support and is about anti-competitive behaviour, and people talking against competition. The amendment is quite clear. It asks Monitor, within a year, to identify barriers to quality care that are anti-competitive. The noble Baroness, Lady Murphy, gave one example and there are others, such as optometry services, which can, if given the opportunity to expand, not only provide good diagnostic services but also treat some minor ailments that do not need referral to hospital. Our amendment is about anti-competitive behaviour. It is not about competition.
(13 years ago)
Lords ChamberI am very grateful to the noble Earl for clarifying the position, but it is important that in the longer term we shall have to learn more about the future of those two very important authorities. In the mean time, the crucial importance of these amendments is to clarify in the Bill the responsibilities of this new organisation which is going to be responsible for regulating research in the UK, and which will streamline and improve the present mechanisms for research approval in many different situations. Therefore, I strongly support these amendments.
My Lords, I hesitated to rise last time because I saw the Minister getting up, and I thought he was about to make a pronouncement to stop the debate because he had a solution to it all, but I realise now that was not the case.
I strongly support the amendment of the noble Lord, Lord Willis. I have my name attached to it. It is crucial that we hear more than just the setting up of the authority, as the Government have announced a few days ago, to take charge of the National Research Ethics Service. I was part of that organisation until I finished my time in the National Patient Safety Agency and was responsible for setting up much of its work, so I take the blame for its shortcomings, if there were any.
The issue we are discussing is why there is a need to set up the Health Research Authority with wider functions than those of NRES. The report produced by the Academy of Medical Sciences identifies serious issues which are important if we are going to deliver on the life sciences strategy announced yesterday and on which I have highly commended the Government; it is excellent. But if we are to deliver on it, we need to streamline the regulatory processes that currently are so cumbersome. For instance, an NHS research and development permission is required at every NHS site where the research is to take place, and the review by the Academy of Medical Sciences confirms that this is perceived to be by far the greatest barrier within the regulation and governance framework. The current process for obtaining research permissions across multiple NHS sites is inefficient and inconsistent. Local negotiation about research contracts and costings is a further source of delay, together with a lack of agreed timelines within which approval decisions are made. Governance arrangements are therefore very important, and the noble Lord, Lord Willis, told us that the report has highlighted that there should be a governance board as part of the Health Research Authority.
The noble Lord gave some examples of delays which had been highlighted by respondents, including in kidney research, stroke research and multiple clinical trials involved in heart research. The solution is to set up an authority which can provide a national research governance service as a part of it. Clinical trials are another example. The noble Lord mentioned how our global share of clinical trials has fallen dramatically. This is particularly related to the fact that it is cumbersome to conduct clinical trials in the UK. To address the challenges identified around clinical trials, improvements are clearly necessary at both the European and the UK level. I know that discussions are going on and that the department is involved in a revision of UK clinical trials, and I hope that they will come to some fruition. The noble Lord also said that the relationship between the new Health Research Agency and the Medicines and Healthcare Regulatory Agency will be crucial in improving the current system. That is an important point, because it was the relationship between the MHRA and clinical trials that at times caused problems.
The problem is that the existing regulation and governance pathways, which evolved in a piecemeal manner over several years, have now become dysfunctional. Although new regulatory bodies and checks have been introduced with good intentions, the sum effect is a fragmented process characterised by multiple layers of bureaucracy and uncertainty in the interpretation of individual pieces of legislation and guidance. This has produced a lack of trust in the system along with duplication and overlap of responsibilities. There is no evidence that these measures have enhanced the safety and well-being of either patients or the public, so the answer lies in now creating a Health Research Authority with multiple functions in order to go forward.
(13 years ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, my name has been added to Amendment 257ZA and I have tabled Amendment 260 in my own name. I shall try to explain why I have added Amendment 260 to this group. There has been some advice to degroup it, and I have been tempted, but I have left it where it is. First, I agree absolutely with what my two friends, the noble Lords, Lord Warner and Lord Turnberg, have said in relation to independence in research and in the expert advice that Public Health England will be giving, and I shall support that by giving some details.
First, however, I shall refer to the funding issue. I do not understand why it has been suggested that Public Health England should not be allowed to bid for external research funding. I cannot see what the threat would be. I have no doubt that it was the Minister who suggested it, and maybe he was given advice, but I wonder why he was given it. I shall give some examples. The current running costs of the HPA covered by government funds are £145 million. On top of that, the agency receives some capital expenditure and depreciation funding. But the agency itself obtains another £150 million from external sources: funding for research and funding from the services of the HPA which are contracted to other agencies and sectors. These include laboratory services, and nuclear and chemical decontamination services. If I was running a university department and I got £150 million-worth of external funding, I would regard that as pretty good—in fact, as excellent. Most of our universities would struggle to get that kind of research funding.
Where does it come from? The largest source of external research funding comes from the National Institutes of Health in the United States for high containment work on infectious diseases. Both the noble Lord, Lord Turnberg, and I know from experience that to get a grant from the NIH is very tough. The agency also receives external research funding for vaccine evaluation, as well as from the recent licensing of one of HPA’s research-generated products by the Food and Drug Administration in the United States. The agency has a product called Erwinase that is used to treat childhood leukaemias, which clearly demonstrates the commercial benefit of its ongoing research and income-generating potential. That sets out the picture as far as research income is concerned, and I repeat that I do not understand why the agency should not be allowed to bid for it.
The second issue is that of publication. The agency must be independent enough to be able to publish evidence and offer expert advice on all topics in which it has expertise, regardless of government policy. For the public to have confidence in their public health agency, it must have the independence to publish. The Government may not take the advice they are given, but the agency must have the independence needed to be able to publish it, so again I cannot understand why it might not be allowed to do so. Nor can I understand why it cannot publish in any journal it wishes on any of its research or advice. To achieve all this, it is important that it has an independent board with an independently elected chairman. That is one of the crucial amendments I wish to see if we are going to go ahead with Public Health England as an executive agency of the department. That is also why I have tabled Amendment 260, which offers the belt and braces needed if, as the Government intend, Public Health England is established as an executive agency. If it is not given independence in terms of research, advice and its board, what we would then need to do is set up a non-departmental public body. That is the purpose of Amendment 260.
My Lords, I too support this amendment, although like the noble Lords, Lord Warner and Lord Turnberg, I would much prefer to see Clause 53 deleted from the Bill. Throughout my professional career I have been familiar with the expertise of the former Public Health Laboratory Service. It conducted research, carried out microbiological surveillance, protected the population of this country from epidemics and so on, looked after the safety of our water supplies, and indeed undertook a huge number of other activities. The noble Lord, Lord Turnberg, chaired that body with great ability and distinction.
I just do not understand the purpose of the Government in abolishing its successor, the Health Protection Agency, which has continued to follow that pattern and to supervise the work of laboratories across the country which were formerly part of the Public Health Laboratory Service. Again, it is difficult to understand what the purpose is of abolishing a body that has proved to be so effective, which continues to give excellent service and which, as other speakers have said, attracts external research funding. If it were to be absorbed into the Government under the Secretary of State, I believe that it would be less able to fulfil its functions and to carry out the distinguished research in which it has been involved over many years. For that reason, while I strongly support the proposal that Clause 53 should no longer stand part of the Bill, if—for the reasons that I hope can be explained by the noble Earl—the Government decide that that clause should remain, it is crucial that we have an amendment such as the one before us in order to preserve the activities of such a vital scientific institution.
(13 years ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, while the House settles down, I thought I might tell your Lordships what a hazardous journey I had here today. The temperature difference is only 12 degrees.
The amendments in this group relate mostly to issues concerning public health. It is to be commended that the Bill places a duty on the Secretary of State to take steps to protect the public from diseases and other dangers to health, putting public health at a high level of government responsibility and particularly that Public Health England, once established, will be accountable to the Secretary of State. I look forward to the public health outcomes framework. It is none the less disappointing that, while the Bill places a duty on the Secretary of State to pay regard to reducing inequalities in health, it does not do so for public health. None of my amendments will alter the thrust of the policy in the Bill; nor will they alter the structures for the delivery of public health locally or nationally. I hope that they will be seen as genuine attempts to improve the Bill and improve the chances of the delivery of the public health agenda. I am pleased that the amendments have such widespread support among noble Lords on all sides and I look forward to their contributions.
I will speak to Amendments 225, 226, 229 to 232, 233A, 234, 259 and 339. Amendment 225 deals with the appointment of directors of public health. Amendments 226, 229 and 231 allude to their training and qualifications. Amendment 228 applies to their accountability within the local authority and Amendment 230 concerns registration criteria. Amendment 234 applies to duties regarding the termination of employment of directors of public health and Amendment 259 concerns employment conditions. Amendment 339 deals with the regulation and registration of public health specialists.
As regards Amendments 228, 229, 230 and 231, the director of public health will be the strategic leader for public health in his or her local authority, providing expert public health advice and guidance across health protection, health improvement and health services. In order to provide effective strategic leadership, the director of public health must be able to influence all aspects of the work of the local authority in the wider determinants of health, such as housing, employment, access to services and education. He or she will also work with other organisations, including local health and well-being boards, HealthWatch England and clinical commissioning groups.
The director of public health must be an appropriately qualified and registered public health specialist. He or she must report directly to the accountable officer of the local authority, the chief executive. That is important because if the director of public health is not directly accountable to the chief executive but to some other person and, therefore, is subordinate, their authority will be diluted. The majority of directors of public health are now appointed jointly by the primary care trusts which employ them and local authorities to which they are seconded. Under the new system, all directors of public health will by law be jointly appointed by local authorities and the Secretary of State. That function will be undertaken by Public Health England and they will be located within and employed by local authorities.
As it currently stands, the Bill simply states that a local authority should “appoint an individual” without any specification of the required skills, expertise or stipulation of how these appointments should be carried out. A local authority could, for instance—indeed, there is some evidence that some are actively seeking to do so—tack the public health responsibilities onto, say, the duties of the director of adult social services or even the director of education. Most of them of course are wise and will not do that but it is possible.
Perhaps I may allude to some of the core competences that will be required of directors of public health, although this is not an exhaustive list. They will need to ensure the proper design, development, implementation and utilisation of the major information systems to underpin public health improvement and action for the population across disciplines and organisations. They will need to interpret and advise on highly complex epidemiological and statistical information about the health of populations to the local authority, the NHS and voluntary organisations, and to develop a strategy for reducing health inequalities. As executive directors, they will need to take a leadership role in specified areas with local communities and vulnerable hard-to-reach populations. They will have responsibility for dealing with infectious diseases and threats, including food and water-borne diseases. They will also have responsibility for preparing for emergencies, including pandemic influenza, and for safeguarding the health of the population in relation to communicable diseases, infection control and environmental health, including delivery of immunisation targets.
There are a lot of tasks and they are much more exhaustive than the list I have given the House. Therefore the person appointed as director of public health must have the appropriate qualifications and experience to carry out those tasks. The statutory requirement to have an appointments advisory committee that appoints directors of public health is therefore necessary. When appointing public health specialists, it provides a system which exists in the NHS now for all consultant appointments of monitoring applications for specialist public health posts. Through this system, candidates’ qualifications, training and experience are scrutinised by experts in the field of public health, usually the UK Faculty of Public Health advisers, to ensure that only appropriately qualified and trained people are appointed. Therefore it is important that all directors of public health and consultants in public health are appointed through a statutory appointments committee.
I turn to Amendment 234. Directors of public health will not only have many tasks, but they will have other accountabilities apart from the local authority. While their primary accountability is to the local authority, they will also be accountable to the director of Public Health England and have regional or national responsibilities in the wider public health service and for health protection. Yet while any authority that wishes to dismiss a director of public health will be obliged under statute to consult the Secretary of State, the Secretary of State will not have a veto over any dismissal, although he will be approving the appointment of a director of public health. I believe therefore that it is essential that any local authority wishing to terminate the appointment of its director of public health must be required in statute to have the Secretary of State’s approval and not merely to consult him or her.
In my view, the director of public health’s ability to report independently on the health needs of their community and population is important and critically on how well or not these needs are being met. He or she may be compromised if there is no protection against being sacked at the request of powerful local influences. The need for the Secretary of State’s approval is therefore necessary to reduce this risk. My amendment seeks to address this exceptional—I believe it will be exceptional—but nevertheless quite real possibility where the director of public health’s ability both to define and implement a local health strategy comes into conflict with other strong local interests seeking to dilute the impact of this strategy and compromise the health of the local population.
Amendment 259 will ensure that as public health specialists move out of existing NHS structures into Public Health England and local authorities, they will be guaranteed equivalent national terms and conditions of service to those in the NHS. That is important to ensure continued workforce capacity in public health, cohesiveness and skills and that public health remains an attractive career path. Clarity over the terms and conditions of employment for public health specialists would provide some measure of assurance that the profession will continue to be developed as an attractive one on a par with other medical specialties. The move of public health away from the NHS could potentially make it a less attractive career choice, particularly for young clinicians. That is an important factor. There is a real risk that without national terms and conditions, at parity with existing NHS terms, the public health workforce will become fragmented. As we saw in a report published last week, morale at the moment among the public health workforce is very low because of uncertainties about their role and the employment situation in the future.
Amendment 339 deals with regulation and registration of public health specialists and directors of public health. As Professor Scally concluded in his Review of the Regulation of Public Health Professionals, a review commissioned by the Chief Medical Officer of England and which investigated whether statutory regulation was needed for individuals operating at consultant level in public health,
“public expectation is such that, without the introduction of mandatory regulation of public health consultants and specialists by statutory health professional regulatory bodies, confidence would be lacking in public health professionals engaged at a high level in public health policy, planning and actions”.
Currently, we have a system whereby all medically qualified public health specialists working as consultants or directors of public health must by law be registered either with the General Medical Council or the General Dental Council if they are public health dentists. Specialists with a nursing or midwifery background are regulated through the Nursing and Midwifery Council. However, that is not the case with public health specialists from non-medical backgrounds, even though they will often carry identical responsibilities to their medically trained colleagues. A voluntary system of regulation, operated by the UK Public Health Register, is currently in place for those from backgrounds other than medicine. At the present time, in order to work at consultant or specialist level in public health in the NHS, a person must be on a specialist register such as that held by the GMC or the GDC. Non-medical specialists must be registered on the UK Public Health Register. With the move to local authorities of the majority of the public health workforce, the danger of a two-tier system of regulation or, worse still, no system of regulation could prevail. That is a risk.
Doctors trained as public health specialists have to undergo five years of training as specialist registrars and obtain a certificate of specialist training to be on the specialist register of the General Medical Council. Subsequently, they have to provide evidence of involvement in continuous professional development and be re-evaluated every five years. Similar mechanisms exist for dentists. The role of director of public health in a local authority carries a level of responsibility in relation to the health and well-being of the local population. It requires public confidence and credibility from other organisations. The person who holds such a post should be properly trained and qualified and be on a register. That would be appropriate.
The amendment would establish that all public health specialists not on medical or dental registers should be registered and that the Health Professions Council should establish such a register. I beg to move.
My Lords, I warmly support this clutch of amendments relating to the future of the public health service in the UK, so ably proposed by my noble friend Lord Patel. No doubt the Government have taken full account of the House of Commons Health Committee’s detailed report on public health, 12th Report of Session 2010-12, which raises a number of crucially important issues.
There are three principal domains of public health: health protection, which addresses environmental threats to population health; health improvement, tackling health inequalities and lifestyle issues impacting on health and well-being; and healthcare public health, which applies public health expertise to the provision of healthcare services. It is a significant omission in the Bill that it does not include any statutory duty on local authorities to address health inequalities in discharging their public health functions. That is a serious omission in the Government’s plans.
As my noble friend said, all directors of public health will by law be jointly appointed by local authorities and the Secretary of State, with the latter function being exercised through Public Health England, but they would be located within and employed by local authorities. Does this mean that directors of public health who hold medical and dental qualifications will, as at present, hold honorary consultant appointments, with all that that implies, as indeed my noble friend raised in his proposals? I agree entirely with his proposal that the appointment of such individuals should involve an advisory appointments committee accredited by the Faculty of Public Health, as is currently the case in respect of directors of public health within the NHS. Can the Minister confirm that that will be the case?
As my noble friend Lord Patel said, young doctors and dentists training for a career in public health undertake a programme of training for five years as specialist registrars. Who is going to employ them in the future? Will it be Public Health England? Local authorities do not understand what a registrar is, and for that reason it seems extremely difficult to consider that those people training for careers in public health will also fall under the ambit of the local authorities. Perhaps the Government can give us an assurance on that point. I agree with my noble friend Lord Patel that it is crucial that the director of public health be appointed at chief officer level, reporting directly to the council chief executive, and that any local authority wishing to terminate the appointment of its director of public health must be required by statute to have the Secretary of State’s approval.
Another important issue is to recognise the fact that healthcare public health, the third domain, is a core part of the public health service. Its role is to bring public health skills and knowledge to bear on the commissioning of health services, helping to ensure their quality, safety, efficacy, effectiveness, value for money and accessibility. The Government’s initial proposals were seen as downgrading the role of public health in the commissioning of healthcare services, but, happily, it has been clarified. The directors of public health and their teams will provide public health expertise, advice and analysis to commissioning groups, health and well-being boards, and the NHS Commissioning Board. This will be one of the mandated public health services that local authorities must commission or provide. However, this is not enough. Can the noble Earl give us an assurance that the local director of public health will be a member of the board of each clinical commissioning group? There should be a qualified public health professional on the NHS Commissioning Board; and the board should routinely take advice from qualified public health professionals when commissioning decisions are taken. We seek assurances from the Minister on that particular point.
Finally, I support very strongly the comments made by my noble friend Lord Patel about the regulation of public health specialists, including directors of public health who do not hold a medical or dental qualification. Those who are in possession of medical and dental qualifications are of course regulated by the General Medical Council and the General Dental Council. What about the specialists in public health who are not so qualified? Is it the Government’s intention, as Professor Gabriel Scally has indicated, that these individuals should come under the Health Professions Council for their registration? In my opinion and that of many professionals, some form of formal registration rather than voluntary registration is very important and, in fact, absolutely essential. I support these amendments.
(13 years, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, this has been a lengthy debate on an extremely complex and difficult matter in a complex and detailed Bill. Medical education and training of the entire NHS workforce is absolutely crucial and it is vital that it appears in this Bill. That is why I very much hope that the Minister will take away Amendment 2 and think about trying to persuade the Government to adopt it. Other issues that have been raised will not go away. For instance, my medical colleague, the noble Lord, Lord Alderdice, talked about psychotherapists. There was also talk about the crucial problem of the future of healthcare assistants.
I would remind your Lordships that 15 years ago I steered through this House the Bills to regulate chiropractors, followed by regulation of osteopaths, so that they are now regulated by statute. I also chaired the House of Lords Select Committee on complementary and alternative medicine, which held a detailed inquiry. In that field, too, it is good to know that herbal medicine practitioners are close to being regulated. Therefore people who work in other aspects of healthcare will have to consider whether or not they will need and require statutory registration and regulation, though not in this Bill perhaps.
The government amendment is right as far as it goes, but it leaves a massive amount of information still up in the air. The Minister has given us a comprehensive and detailed report about the future of Health Education England. There is already a body called Health Education England, which has been in existence for some little time. I do not know what its provenance is now, but it is chaired by my close friend, Sir Christopher Edwards, who is a former vice-chancellor of the University of Newcastle upon Tyne. He has chaired a body called Health Education England for a while.
Medical Education England, I beg your pardon. Will that body disappear with the development of Health Education England? Do we know what the provenance of that body is going to be or who is going to fund it? What is its constitution going to be and what are its authorities? Will it have the authority to deal with the issues that we raised in this debate about the crucial importance of making certain that commissioning groups, trusts and even private providers offer facilities for education and training.
I shall not go on. I am happy now to withdraw the amendment in my name, but I believe that these issues are so important that they should not await the tabling of another government Bill on education. The Government should introduce something into this Bill to make the future of health education and training clear. I beg leave to withdraw Amendment 2.
(14 years, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I declare an interest as having been president of the General Medical Council from 1982 to 1989. I know that the GMC is particularly anxious to see these regulations go ahead because the whole question has been smouldering away for very many years. Even during my presidency, we were aware that many doctors who came before the conduct committee of the council, or before that the disciplinary committee, were not so much erring or wicked as actually not practising, in some respects, to a standard of competency appropriate to today’s world. For that reason, we tried very hard to set up a mechanism within the GMC to establish what we called at first a competence committee. However, it was not successful because we could not persuade the profession and other bodies to approve some of the recommendations that we tried to put forward.
Subsequently, the GMC embarked on a programme of performance review. Mechanisms were established to identify doctors who were not performing to an adequate standard in the health service and other bodies, but that programme too did not succeed as well as it might. It was perfectly clear that it was crucial to the interests of the public at large and of patients themselves that there was a mechanism whereby doctors would be required every five years to subject their clinical performance and performance in their appointment to a process of validation. Revalidation then became one of the essential priorities for the General Medical Council. As the noble Earl said in his introduction, the GMC believes that implementing this process of revalidation is an essential step in advancing the quality of medical regulation, improving patient safety and providing patients with greater assurance that doctors are meeting the standards that we set for the medical profession.
I appreciate to the full some of the anxieties expressed by the noble Baroness. She has criticised the nature and content of these regulations. However, as I have said, this mechanism has been smouldering away for over 20 years and it is time to make progress. The statutory basis for the responsible officer is set out in the Health and Social Care Act 2008, which amends the Medical Act 1983. The GMC is now committed to the introduction of revalidation for doctors in order to change the way in which all doctors in the UK are regulated. Under this process, to retain their licence to practise, doctors need to demonstrate to the GMC every five years that they still meet the appropriate professional standards and are continuing to develop their skills and knowledge.
The responsible officer will be the link between the local healthcare organisation, whatever it is, and the GMC, and as such will be an essential component of implementing revalidation. The responsible officer will usually be based in and employed by the organisation for which the doctor works, or with which the doctor is contracted to provide services. The GMC will need to be confident that the recommendations it receives are robust, fair and consistent, but that the process leading to the recommendations and the recommendations themselves will be subject to quality assurance and to audit. The GMC will develop guidance to assist responsible officers in carrying out their role in relation to revalidation.
We have reached a stage at which it is crucial that responsible officers are in place before the rollout of full revalidation commences. This will have the advantage of enabling the GMC to identify gaps in the coverage of responsible officers, particularly of doctors working outside the National Health Service, and to make provision for them. In its response to the government White Paper, Equity and Excellence: Liberating the NHS, the GMC comments that the abolition of PCTs and strategic health authorities, which is not expected until 2013, leaves it unclear as to where the responsible officer role in primary care and sometimes in specialist care will sit, and how the role and functions of the medical directors will be exercised. As the noble Baroness said, this matter needs to be resolved, but it must not be a reason to delay the passage of these long-awaited regulations or to stall preparations more generally. The GMC has confirmed that it will work with the Department of Health to resolve this and other issues so that it can continue to make progress towards the implementation of revalidation. I trust that the regulations will be approved.
My Lords, I concur with the comments of my noble friend Lord Walton of Detchant. It is important that we allow these regulations to pass. As he has said, the issue of revalidation has been smouldering away, to use his words, for many years. I recall from when I served on the GMC over eight years ago that the revalidation issue predates Shipman and has nothing to do with that issue. As my noble friend has said, this is a process and it is important that the regulations should be passed because we need the responsible officers to be appointed pretty soon so that the GMC can train them up and identify any issues before the process of revalidation begins. I understand that all the devolved Administrations have agreed that it should start by autumn 2012. If that deadline is to be met, we need the responsible officers long before that.
My conversations with officers of the GMC suggest that the council is well aware of the concerns raised. They know that when the legislation to reform the NHS is brought forward, the issue of what happens in primary care with doctors working as commissioners, and how they are to be revalidated, will have to be addressed. They are confident that they will be able to do so.
As for the other professional organisations that have also commented and to which the noble Baroness referred, it is interesting that only one has raised concerns; the others have not. All the other royal colleges have been involved in working with the GMC to identify how revalidation will be carried out in their own specialties and they are satisfied with the mechanisms that will be used. They are also satisfied that the pilots that are now being carried out will identify the issues.
It is important that we now approve these regulations and allow the responsible officers to be appointed. We will have other opportunities to debate the matter again during the next stages.