(12 years, 9 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, perhaps I may say that if it was me who my noble friend was referring to as being on his left, I am thrilled to bits by his rather more constructive response. I congratulate him.
My Lords, I wish that I did not need to speak at this point because I am really quite torn. I know how sincerely all those who have spoken feel about this amendment, and about emphasising the need to promote mental illness as having the same parity as physical illness. At the same time, I know how sincere the noble Earl is, and therefore it is difficult not to accept what he has said and the promises he has made. None the less, the comment made by my noble friend Lord Walton is the one that has affected me most: what is the key objection to putting these two words at the front of the Bill to signify that mental illness is as important in its management as physical illness?
In my professional life I have dealt with physical illness, but I was always deeply affected whenever I had a patient suffering from postpartum depression or antenatal anxieties and sometimes psychosis; they were the most difficult to deal with. I would then have to seek the assistance of my psychiatrist colleagues.
(12 years, 12 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I wonder if I might come in on the side of the “sympathy but” brigade, which makes me a member of the same club as all those who have spoken before me. I have a lot of sympathy with the purpose of the amendment of the noble Baroness, Lady Emerton, but I worry about the rigidity of their terms in relation to specifying ratios and a maximum number of people that any nurse can deal with. It seems to me that this is a prescription for a degree of inflexibility that could end up closing wards for reasons that would not be sensible.
I am scarred by something that happened at Birmingham Children’s Hospital in my period as Minister for Health; it arose from a shortage of paediatric intensive care nurses. I do not know whether they are still in short supply but that is the kind of problem that would be exaggerated by this kind of rigidity. Nevertheless, the basic thrust of the amendment must be right.
There is only one other point I really want to make. As I understand it, my noble friend is likely to say that this is not something for the health Commissioning Board, but for the Care Quality Commission. I do not accept that. The Care Quality Commission will be doing snapshots, perhaps a bit more vigorously than it has done in the past, sometimes unannounced and so forth, but nevertheless more often than not there will be a snapshot of the situation at a particular time. I cannot see that the Commissioning Board can commission services without specifying something about the standard at which it expects that service to be provided, and that is relevant to this question of staffing levels in a general sense. So while I believe that it would be wrong to say this is all a matter for the Care Quality Commission, equally I do not believe it would be right to be as rigid as some parts of the amendments are at present.
My Lords, I have my name to this amendment and I support it. I agree with all the comments that the noble Baroness, Lady Emerton, has made. I have only two brief comments. One is based on the evidence and the strength of that evidence. The noble Baroness, Lady Murphy, mentioned California, which passed a law based on the evidence. So what is the strength of this evidence? I have looked at the literature, particularly at meta-analysis of all the literature that is produced relating to staffing levels and patient outcomes, including mortality. Meta-analysis involves looking at all the published literature and its methodology, and only those publications with a methodology that is felt to be good are included in the meta-analysis. The meta-analysis clearly shows that if you look at mortality, infection rates, response to arrest and serious episodes, the staffing ratios of registered, trained nurses to patients—I agree with the noble Lord, Lord Alderdice, that training is important—are important in delivering good outcomes.
The second issue is related to whose responsibility it might be to produce the guidance. If it is not the national Commissioning Board, then it ought to be the commissioners of services—the commissioning groups—that should be asked to consider the staffing ratios of each and every department in the provider’s unit before making contracts with them.
(12 years, 12 months ago)
Lords ChamberAs this is Committee stage, I hope my noble friends will forgive me if I play Oliver Twist and seek a small second bite. I promise to be brief and make only three points. The first picks up on maternity and the remarks of the noble Lord, Lord Mawson, about consultants versus patients, if I may put it that way. I remember, in the far-off days when I used to sign 18th birthday cards to prospective or actual constituents, noticing a remarkable bunching. If you checked back 18 years you would find a correlation with Fridays and particularly the period in the run-up to a bank holiday. Secondly, nobody else has followed up the amendment of the noble Baroness, Lady Royall, about specialist nurses. I have an interest to declare here as—there are probably other things as well—president of the Braintree Parkinson’s Disease Society and the Braintree Multiple Sclerosis Society. The importance of specialist nurses in some of these areas is both extremely great and underestimated. I hope that we will therefore not lose sight of the point made by the noble Baroness, Lady Royall, in her amendment, supported by the noble Baroness, Lady Thornton.
Thirdly, to assure the noble Lord, Lord Walton—who I thought was at one stage going to accuse me of being a wimp for not pressing this to a vote—I do not rule out returning to the matter on Report, unless the Minister is really nice to me.
My Lords, I shall speak to several amendments to which I have put my name, but I shall start with the amendment of the noble Baroness, Lady Cumberlege, to which I have also put my name. The noble Baroness is well placed to talk about maternity services. She has championed their cause, particularly regarding choice, for nearly two decades. It is she who should be credited for getting us to where we are now, whereby choice of where to have their babies is available to all would-be mothers.
The noble Baroness covered most points, and I support them all. The one on which I should like to expand relates to maternity networks. It appears that both the Prime Minister and the Department of Health have accepted that maternity networks are the way to improve maternity services, and I agree. Maternity networks have the potential to increase clinician involvement and service-user engagement in the planning, delivery and, where necessary, reorganisation of services. They also have the advantage of being able to scrutinise the performance and outcomes of all maternity providers within the network, thereby helping to drive up standards and reduce unwarranted variations in outcomes. This will help to develop shared services across the network. Thus a home birth service provided by a modern maternity unit could be made available to maternity units in areas where the home birth rate is very low.
I know that a current review of clinical networks is being undertaken for the Commissioning Board, and is due to report soon. Perhaps the noble Earl can tell us more about it. I hope that the review recommends that maternity networks be established to cover all maternity services in England. The concern is that if providers are expected to self-fund networks, there is a risk that some providers, especially foundation trusts, will not engage in networks, thereby reducing their effectiveness. For this reason, I hope that the Government will accept the case for providing some funding and support for maternity networks in the same way as neonatal networks and cancer networks have been able to access central funding and support.
One other issue that will improve the quality of maternity services, no matter where that care is delivered, is the establishment of maternity dashboards. They are a good way of auditing the outcomes on a daily basis and establishing whether the clinical guidelines have been achieved. I therefore strongly support the noble Baroness’s amendment.
The amendment in the name of the noble Lords, Lord Newton of Braintree and Lord Butler of Brockwell, is saying “comply or explain”, whereby if you do not comply with NICE guidelines you must explain why. I agree. Not all standards should be complied with, because there may be reasons why they are not. If you do not comply, you have to explain why. However, you also have to explain why the outcome for patients will be the same or better, because if the outcomes through not complying are not the same or better, you should not be allowed to fail to comply.
I understand that there might be good reasons why certain NHS bodies do not comply. Another way could be the establishment of an alternative compliance system in which organisations and clinicians are required to justify why they have not complied with the standards or, for that matter, innovations that will aid delivery of the best clinical practice. The Commissioning Board, in conjunction with senates and by way of patient pathways, could develop a compliance regime that measures, monitors and incentivises the use of innovation or compliance where these will improve standards of care. So I support the proposal, and I know that we might return later to the issue that my noble friend Lord Walton raised about innovation, tariffs and the innovation tariff. That is the other side of the coin regarding non-compliance and going beyond the standard of care laid down by NICE.