(4 weeks, 2 days ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, it is a pleasure to follow my noble friend Lady Noakes. I congratulate her on her purposive, rather than literal, interpretation of her amendment. I support her amendment and everything she said, as well as the other amendments in this group. I will speak to my Amendment 129.
Many noble Lords here today were in the Grand Committee debates for the then FSM Bill 2023. As my noble friend Lady Noakes rightly identified, the CBA panels have done very good work in their first couple of years of existence. My Amendment 129 seeks to give them further clarity to assist them in doing that good work, to ensure that they have the materials they need to do it, and to bring an additional element around public awareness of the panels’ work. That speaks to greater transparency, awareness and engagement, which can help not only the work of the CBA panels but the wider work of the regulators themselves. I look forward to the Minister’s response.
My Lords, I am grateful to noble Lords who have tabled amendments in this group, which all take broadly the same approach to the cost benefit analysis panels. The underlying point addressed here is simple: if we are serious about accountability, proportionality and reducing regulatory burden, the panels that already exist to scrutinise the costs and benefits of regulation should be able to look at the full practical impact of what regulators do.
Amendment 119, in the names of my noble friend Lady Noakes and the noble Lord, Lord Vaux, raises the important issue of cumulative regulatory burden. Amendment 129, in the name of my noble friend Lord Holmes, would give the panels a broader and more visible role, including through regular impact assessments, stronger access to information and greater transparency. Amendment 132, in my name and that of my noble friend Lady Neville-Rolfe, addresses a specific gap: the use of guidance and supervisory practices, which may have significant practical effects on firms, but which do not currently receive the same level of cost-benefit scrutiny as formal rule changes.
I start with the cumulative burden point, because it is extremely important. Regulation is not experienced by firms as a series of isolated events. New rules come on top of existing ones, including guidance, reporting requirements, supervisory expectations, data requests, “Dear CEO” letters and enforcement signals. Individually, each new intervention may appear manageable, but collectively they can become very burdensome. The effect is not only on cost but on management time, operational complexity, legal advice, compliance headcount, systems changes and a reduced capacity to focus on customers, innovation and growth.
Therefore, it seems ineffective that the cost-benefit process so often considers individual regulatory interventions, without proper reference to the wider impact of the regulatory environment as a whole. If the regulator is required only to ask whether one new proposal is proportionate in isolation, there is no real incentive to look back at legacy regulation and ask whether the total burden has become excessive. That is why there is real merit in allowing the cost-benefit analysis panels to look more strategically at the total regulatory load. If we want regulators to support growth and competitiveness, they must not only justify new burdens but have incentives to remove or reduce old ones.
Amendment 132 would extend the existing cost-benefit analysis and consultation framework so that it applies not only to formal rules but to materially significant general guidance and general supervisory practices or policies. That is important because, in practice, guidance and supervisory expectations can have effects that are very close to rules. If such a measure has a material effect on regulated firms, it should not be able to escape scrutiny simply because it is not formally described as a rule.
Our amendment would create a sensible check: it would require the regulator to notify the relevant cost-benefit analysis panel early where guidance or supervisory practice may be materially significant. The panel could then give an opinion on whether the proposal is likely to have a material effect and, where appropriate, request that a cost-benefit analysis be carried out. If the regulator disagreed, it would still be able to proceed, but it would have to publish a statement explaining why it did not accept the panel’s view alongside the panel’s opinion.
The purpose of this is to recognise that materially significant guidance and supervisory practices can impose real costs and that those costs should be scrutinised. This sort of reporting would provide valuable information to inform the work of our important committees, both in this House and in the other place. I do not see why the Government would resist this as a sensible expansion of the remit of the cost-benefit analysis panels, particularly where the regulators they are overseeing have had, and continue to have, a substantial increase in their remits. Indeed, the more power we give regulators, the more important these mechanisms become. If more of the regulatory framework is to be made through rules, guidance and supervisory judgment, rather than primary legislation, Parliament must be confident that there is proper scrutiny of the costs and proportionality of the cumulative burden. The cost-benefit analysis panels are already part of that architecture; these amendments do not create an entirely new body. They strengthen the role of an existing mechanism and make it better able to do the job for which it was created.
Could the Minister explain why, if firms experience regulation cumulatively and guidance or supervisory practices can have material effects, even where they are not formally binding, the cost-benefit analysis panels should not have a broader remit to examine those wider burdens? I hope the Minister will engage constructively with these amendments and particularly with the principle behind Amendment 132.