Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Debate between Lord Hamilton of Epsom and Lord Deben

Committee stage
Friday 27th February 2026 Lords Chamber

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom (Con)]

Could I come back on that? I never said that it was a major reason: I just said that it was a consideration that had to be made. Budgets are very strapped in the NHS at the moment and, if it can ensure that people who are blocking beds vote for assisted dying, that will save the hospital money. That is just a fact of life.

[Lord Deben (Con)]

My Lords, I did not intend to speak on this particular amendment until something happened at lunchtime. I have to apologise to the noble and learned Lord, because I am not sure that I can make a joke about it, as he has requested me to in any speech I make. The fact of the matter is that at lunchtime I discovered that my local health trust has withdrawn its payment to Marie Curie, which means that there will no longer be Marie Curie nurses helping people in the final months of their lives; that support has been withdrawn because of the tight budgets in the National Health Service. I am appalled that we are in that situation, but it reminds me very clearly of the fundamental problem of a single-issue Private Member’s Bill, because it asks us to consider something not as one of a series of priorities among which government has to make choices, but as something on its own. That inevitably is a real problem.

The second problem is that anyone who has been a Minister knows how the Treasury works. If you ask it to give you some money to spend and then say, “But we’re going to make these savings”, it always counts the spending and refuses to acknowledge the savings. That is a Treasury mechanism that we have all learned—and I see that a former Health Minister knows precisely what I mean.

The problem with this issue is precisely that: money will have to be spent, but the savings—let us leave aside whether this is a suitable balance—will certainly not be considered, which is why the Deputy Health Minister said there would have to be “reprioritisation”.

So I come to this Committee having been shocked at lunchtime. Perhaps the Chief Whip should not have allowed us off for lunch: then I would not have been able to see this. However, the truth is that I am shocked by the fact that one of the most important palliative care services is now going to be ceased for the part of the country in which I live. That therefore brings me back to the amendment. I think we have to say to ourselves, very clearly, that, if we are proposing to spend money on this, it is quite clear from the Government that that will mean “reprioritisation”, which actually means cutting other money in order to save enough to pay for this.

I hope the noble Baroness will not be upset by this, but I do not understand how the Government fail to do this: in all the advice they give us, they refuse to tell us how much they think this will cost. That is a duty of the Government. They should tell Parliament, if it is a Private Member’s Bill of this sort—I will give way.

European Union (Withdrawal) Bill

Debate between Lord Hamilton of Epsom and Lord Deben

Report: 4th sitting (Hansard): House of Lords
Monday 30th April 2018 Lords Chamber

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom]

Is the negotiation with the EU not somewhat unique, because you are negotiating with 27 different countries?

[Lord Deben]

It is unusual to negotiate with 27 different countries, but I have negotiated with large numbers of different people on the other side. That is one thing that we just have to accept. It is, like anything else, a negotiation. If we think that it is so unique that we cannot do it, we should not have started the negotiation in the first place. It does not make any difference if you have a second negotiation: it is the same position that you had with the first negotiation. The fact that it is with 27 different countries makes no difference because it does not change from the first negotiation to the second. I do not think that my noble friend has a point on that.

The real issue is the fundamental fact: the amendment does not operate unless Parliament has voted in a particular way. The Government’s answer to the amendment must therefore be that they have a reason not to let Parliament continue to be involved after such a vote. The Government do not think that Parliament will take such a decision. They are very sure—and I have listened to government speakers again and again—that they will produce a result that will be cheered by Parliament. We will all be thrilled with what they have been able to achieve. I would be very suspicious if the Government’s answer is that they do not think they will get that sort of result and therefore do not want to get themselves into a difficult position. I am assuming that, whatever agreement they have, it will be a good one and this amendment will never come into operation.

The only reason for the amendment is to be a backstop for the circumstances in which the Government do not achieve what they tell us they can achieve and they therefore produce something that is so unacceptable that Parliament decides that it cannot accept it. The Government have to say, “What happens then?”. Unless they accept the amendment or some technically different one that suits them, their only answer can be, “We the Executive will decide”. That is why this is not about the European Union. It is about the powers of Parliament and it is why I am surprised at my noble friend Lord Hamilton, who was chairman of the 1922 Committee, who protected and defended the rights of Members of Parliament and who believes and believed in the nature of Parliamentary democracy. It is why I do not understand why this divides the House.

This should be something that both leavers and remainers—and those who wander between and those who are confused—all of us, should accept that we want Parliament to be in a position to accept and to decide. This will not work unless Parliament has decided that it does not want the agreed solution. The amendment will not come into operation unless that happens. Surely it is not too much to ask that the Government say, if we get to that point, that Parliament should have the right to ask the Government to go back and try again.

European Union Bill

Debate between Lord Hamilton of Epsom and Lord Deben

Monday 13th June 2011 Lords Chamber

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom]

My Lords, I very much sympathise with my noble friend Lady Brinton because it is unlikely that any Government would be brave enough to hold another referendum on the same subject when the country had made it quite clear that it did not want the measure put forward originally. However, to turn to the distaste of referenda generally expressed by my noble friend Lord Deben, presumably that distaste is slightly tempered by the referendum confirming our membership of the European Union. Let us face it, this referendum was put forward by Harold Wilson to solve a problem that he had within his own Labour party and settle the issue for good. Many people—I am one of them—voted in favour of our remaining in the European Union and it seemed to settle the issue for some time after that.

[Lord Deben]

I was opposed to that referendum, as I have always been opposed to referenda. I am absolutely consistent on that matter, whether they were favourable or unfavourable.

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom]

My noble friend prides himself on his consistency, but that decision put the issue to bed at the time. That would seem to have certain advantages that he does not acknowledge in any way.