Lord Frost
Main Page: Lord Frost (Conservative - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Lord Frost's debates with the Cabinet Office
(1 day, 23 hours ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, before looking at what we have to do to get growth back, perhaps we should consider where we are and why we are here—not just in this country but across the West. We are in a very difficult position. As has already been noted by the noble Lord, Lord Agnew, GDP is falling. GDP per head, which is the only thing that matters, has begun to fall again. It is at the same level that it was in 2019. It is no wonder that people in this country do not feel better off; they are not better off.
This is not just in this country; it is common across the West. If you compare the pre-financial crash growth figures to the post-financial crash figures, only America and Australia have maintained even half their growth rates. Most of the Europeans are down 20% or 25% on their previous levels. Famously, Tolstoy wrote in the beginning of Anna Karenina:
“All happy families are alike; each unhappy family is unhappy in its own way”.
The same is true of most western economies; we all face different sets of problems. The specifics are different, but I do think we are all facing a variant of the same very deep-seated set of problems that we have to be honest about and grapple with.
First, the end of the Cold War—I think we have to go back that far—removed the pressure to remain productive and constantly demonstrate superiority of the western free-market model, and we got complacent. Secondly, what happened is what always happens when there is no counter pressure: collectivism. Intellectually bad ideas started to set in and go down the path of least resistance.
Thirdly, we saw economic policy follow that intellectual trend, with an expansion of government, more regulation and more state intervention. All that inevitably led to worse economic outcomes, more social conflict and a political environment that got worse. In the end, political choice accommodated itself to this environment. Most western electors faced the choice between two different versions of international progressivism and social liberalism—one supposedly on the right, involving international economic institutions, trade liberalisation and international business, and one conventionally on the left, involving redistribution and a lot of “woke” politics. Neither aspired to change the fundamentals; both involved high levels of migration, weakening social bonds and the nation state still further.
This system now has its own internal dynamism, and it looks very difficult to break out of it. The result is what we are seeing—the collapse in growth and zero-sum conditions. The economy is ceasing to grow, we cannot afford things that we have got used to having, social conflict is growing and crisis is near. Doing more of the same is not going to help—it will just make things worse. We have to face this reality and we need to do two very difficult things. First, we must make a huge attempt, much bigger than anything that is being contemplated at the moment, to reverse the trend of economic collectivisation and regulation from the past 30 years. There needs to be a determined attempt to end deficit financing; shrink state and taxation; recreate incentives; reverse the net-zero policy and produce cheap and more abundant energy; remove the vast corpuses of legislative regulation that dominate economic activity; intensify competition in the economy; sort out public services; conduct painful reductions in welfare transfer programmes; and look at investment in infrastructure, housing and so on, in many places.
However, it is not only this. As my noble friend Lord Farmer has set out, we need to look at the social environment too. We need to make a major effort to repair the sinews of social fragmentation, to reconnect and rebuild politics by consent. If we cannot do this, we will never get the consent for the economic changes that are necessary. Here we are going with the flow of electorates; there is a greater emphasis on culture, the nation and social conservatism. We need to go with that, which means cutting migration, controlling borders, getting an effective Government, getting out of the web of binding international agreements, killing off wokeness, getting serious about defence and thinking of investing in the family much more.
We need to do both those things, which requires making a series of correct choices, many of which are going to be unpopular—but it still has to be done. I finish by quoting the great man Sir John Hoskyns, who was behind the Stepping Stones report in the late 1970s. He said:
“It is not enough to settle for policies which cannot save us, on the grounds that they are the only ones which are politically possible or administratively convenient”.
We have to do better than that. The British people want better than that—they know something is going wrong—and it is for us, the politicians, to provide it.