South Sudan

Lord Curry of Kirkharle Excerpts

Wednesday 4th July 2018 Lords Chamber

Asked by

[Lord Curry of Kirkharle]

To ask Her Majesty’s Government what steps they are taking to address the current humanitarian crisis in South Sudan and to support the delivery of a lasting peace settlement and longer term economic and social development.

[Lord Curry of Kirkharle (CB)]

My Lords, I begin by expressing my appreciation for the opportunity to debate this important topic, coming hot on the heels of the debate on Sudan last week. However, although with a shared history, South Sudan is a separate country with different challenges and a different culture.

I begin by declaring my interests. I am a trustee of Anglican International Development, a charity working to relieve poverty through healthcare training, sanitation provision, agricultural training, microfinance and support for local churches to bring about long-term sustainable development in South Sudan, as well as other countries in sub-Saharan Africa.

Since my first visit to South Sudan in 2009, before it even became a country, I have observed its journey to independence and subsequent efforts to establish itself as a nation. A nation historically blighted by a civil war that claimed the lives of millions is now descending into near anarchy, which is taking the lives of thousands and damaging millions more. It is impossible to look at this situation and to hear some of the individual stories, as well as the impact on the whole nation, without a sense of huge disappointment.

South Sudan became an independent nation in July 2011, following a long struggle for independence. That day was hailed as victorious, with President Obama saying:

“Today is a reminder that after the darkness of war, the light of a new dawn is possible”.


If only those words had borne true. Within two years, civil war was brewing. War broke out, as we know, in December 2013, as relationships between President Salva Kiir and his deputy Riek Machar completely imploded. Estimates vary, but a conservative estimate holds the death toll to be upwards of 50,000 people, with some suggestions that 300,000 may have died since then.

Numerous peace agreements have been signed—a total of 10—including one signed earlier this week in Khartoum, between President Salva Kiir and Riek Machar, facilitated, bizarrely, by President Bashir of Sudan, their long-term enemy. However, every single time the ceasefire has broken down and, if anything, violence has intensified afterwards. Within hours of its signature this week, the ceasefire had been violated and fighting resumed. This latest agreement committed to a 36-month ceasefire, paving the way for humanitarian aid to reach the country, prisoners to be freed and a transitional unity Government to be formed. While this is a positive step and I want to be optimistic, if past experience is anything to go by, the likelihood of success is very low.

These agreements have a history of promising much but delivering little, as they rely on the good will of both parties without the strategy and accountability required to sustain them. This is a power struggle between warmongers with big egos, who are prepared to sacrifice vast numbers of their own people to try to gain control. So far, neither side has demonstrated it is willing to do what it takes to bring lasting peace. This is exacerbated by the splintering of rebel groups and the ethnic under- tones, which add layers of complexity to the conflict. The cynicism with which these agreements are now greeted is due to the three actors, Bashir, Kiir and Machar, not being trusted, and their history of corruption and of pursuing negotiations for personal gain.

It would be difficult to overstate the scale of the tragedy that this protracted conflict and the dysfunctional political situation has brought upon the country. At least 2.4 million of its citizens are refugees, with another 2 million internally displaced. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees predicts continuing deterioration over the coming months. Limited infrastructure and security challenges also contribute to what is one of the worst humanitarian crises we have seen in recent years and now one of most serious in the world.

There is a particular threat to women and children: 85% of those displaced fall into this category and they are particularly vulnerable. There are frequent reports of soldiers and rebel fighters carrying out horrific acts of sexual violence and rape which, on top of a lack of access to clean water, basic healthcare and education, paints a dire picture. It is estimated that 1.8 million children aged between three and 18 have lost out on education as a result of the ongoing conflict.

On almost every global indicator, South Sudan is at or near the bottom of the league, whether women dying in childbirth, deaths of children under five, life expectancy, poverty levels, et cetera. The only contrast is the level of inflation, where South Sudan has topped the league. Almost uniquely, the country remains year after year in a constant state of crisis.

What about the current situation and the prospect of stability? Many aid organisations have invested in South Sudan since independence, wishing to support this young country; they have willed it to succeed. The African Union has hosted numerous negotiations, while the United Nations has tried time and again to persuade the power-crazed leaders to see sense—so much so that the hotels in Addis Ababa must now have dedicated rooms for the negotiation process. I compliment our own Government on their ongoing commitment to South Sudan. Along with the US, the EU and other European countries, we have continued to provide aid and have supported the UN peacekeeping effort by having nearly 400 troops in the country. We have maintained an embassy presence, even when our own compound has been attacked by rebel groups. Moreover, without the World Food Programme, many more would have died.

It is easy to become despondent about the wasted effort, to be disillusioned by the lack of success, or to walk away because of the risks to life and the real dangers that exist. Many organisations have understandably abandoned South Sudan as being too risky, and tragically, over the past year some 30 aid workers have lost their lives.

Within AID, we have approached many potential donors who regard investing in South Sudan as a complete waste of resources in the current unstable climate and when the Government remain so dysfunctional and, arguably, many millions of dollars may as well have been poured down the drain. It is even more tragic that a country with oil reserves, minerals and some of the most fertile land in Africa has made no progress towards financial sustainability, with its precious oil revenue being spent on guns and fuelling internal conflict. The country is broke, with high levels of debt. It has been estimated that, since 2005, South Sudan has generated $30 billion-worth of oil revenue and has not built a single road, school or hospital. It continues to depend on international aid and finance for humanitarian relief and investment.

What can be done? There have been calls for an aid embargo and economic sanctions to be applied to try and bring the warring factions to heel. The reality, in my view, is that these unscrupulous leaders will not be swayed by economic sanctions. The impact of such measures will fall even more heavily on the poor people who are suffering now. However, as has often been said, doing nothing is not an option. We in the UK have a long historical relationship with Sudan, now South Sudan, and an ongoing responsibility. The world cannot stand at the side of the road and just be observers of this continuing and growing crisis. Incidentally, there were South Sudanese people on the boat that Italy refused to allow to dock last week.

We need to intensify our efforts even more and enforce a ceasefire if we can. While I have said that sanctions would have a limited impact, a global arms embargo is a no-brainer. This should be of the highest priority. The supply of weapons of war needs to be cut off. The surrounding countries in Africa must do even more to exert their combined pressure on the leaders of South Sudan to conform to a ceasefire and hold them to account. We need to use whatever influence we have through the Commonwealth as well as the UN and the African Union, but I do not think for one minute that this will be an easy task. Internally, I believe that the South Sudan Council of Churches could play an even greater role as peacemakers across the tribal divides. The new primate of the Episcopal Church of South Sudan, the most reverend Justin Badi Arama, could be a key figure.

Looking further ahead to beyond the current humanitarian crisis, South Sudan desperately needs investment in infrastructure, roads and connectivity and in its people. There are resilient communities in which the people are trying to help themselves. There are great examples that could serve as case studies in how to survive in the midst of complete turmoil. The church has a key role to play in economic development and is one of the very few routes available to connect with local communities.

There are two other issues I want to address, and I shall be brief. First, I have received a consistent message from my contacts in South Sudan in advance of this debate that the country must be weaned off dependence on foreign aid, except in exceptional circumstances. This will clearly require the wisdom of Solomon, but a strategic plan needs to be in place, linked to investment and to a gradual reduction of aid.

Secondly, I have long been convinced, as the Minister is aware, that we need to invest in the next generation of young leaders in South Sudan. Whatever success or otherwise we achieve in influencing the current leadership, they are completely discredited, dysfunctional and incapable of gaining the confidence of their own nation, let alone the international community. There is an opportunity now to invest in an intelligent grouping of young leaders who exist across tribal divides and are even more frustrated and embarrassed at the image and state of their own country than we are. Training, good governance and moral leadership for the next generation are again, in my view, of the highest priority. I hope the Minister will respond.

I shall finish with a quote from a dear Christian lady called Eunice, whom I met in Juba on one of my visits. She spent much of her life empowering women and working for peace. She said as I left, “You will come back, won’t you? So many people never come back!”. Those words still ring in my ears. I beg to move.

Agriculture and Food Industry

Lord Curry of Kirkharle Excerpts

Thursday 24th July 2014 Lords Chamber

[Lord Curry of Kirkharle (CB)]

My Lords, I, too, am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Plumb. It is not for the first time in my life, but I am particularly grateful to him today for stimulating this critical debate. Without duplicating all that has been said already, I want to emphasise the importance to the UK economy of this vital sector. I declare an interest in that I farm in Northumberland and have a number of other farming and food interests.

The agrifood industry is the largest contributor to the UK economy by some margin, as has been said already, and it has the potential to contribute even more, both to our balance of payments through increased exports and to local and regional economies through adding value and other diversified activities that can lead to a reduction in dependence on imports.

We can and should seek to halt the decline in the self-sufficiency of food production that we have witnessed over the past couple of decades or so. While it is virtually impossible to set a self-sufficiency target—I was encouraged to do so in 2001 in a report I was responsible for and resisted the pressure—it is difficult to do so due to the annual influence of weather, volatile commodity prices and currency movements. Nevertheless, we should attempt to provide a higher proportion of our annual consumption than we do at present. Many look back with pride on the early 1990s, when we achieved almost 90% self-sufficiency, as was mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Bilimoria, but they conveniently forget that at that time we were filling intervention stores with piles of surplus food such as beef, milk, and grain, which had been subsidised to produce and was then subsidised again to dispose of on to global markets, potentially undermining the fragile economies of the developing world.

We need to concentrate our efforts on producing food in a sustainable way, as has been mentioned by a number of noble Lords—and I will return to this challenge in a moment—with sustainable markets that address the diverse opportunities that exist both at home and abroad, in local, regional and mainstream markets, through constant innovation and investment. This requires confidence within the food industry that the agrifood sector is still a priority for government. Too often it has been regarded as a mature sector and rather traditional, with newer industries seen as being more sexy and exciting and receiving more attention and support from government, when in fact the evidence suggests that the food sector has a great record of innovation and of responding to changing consumer lifestyles. This important sector needs recognition that it is a priority for investment in skills development and business support and that it has the potential to contribute even more to the economy.

The challenge of feeding the huge anticipated increase in the global population has been well rehearsed and, despite the fact that we are a relatively small global player, I firmly believe we have a significant contribution to make. In addition to export opportunities, we will have upwards of 70 million people here in Britain to feed from a shrinking land mass, as was mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Trees. It used to be said that an area the size of the Isle of Wight disappears every year in Britain through industrialisation, infrastructure projects and housing development, and it is probably even greater than that today. This continues to take place, not only here in the UK but throughout the developed world and increasingly in the developing world, too. If we add to these factors the impact of more frequent volatile weather conditions disrupting food supplies, then the challenge is multiplied. For a variety of reasons, land capable of food production is decreasing at a significant rate. To add to this dilemma, the intervention by government to incentivise renewable energy production is leading to vast areas of maize being grown to feed anaerobic digesters. In the 2003 EU reform negotiations, we quite rightly took the bold step to decouple financial support from food production in England only to find ourselves now competing with subsidised energy production, which is distorting the market.

As has been said, we need to maintain our investment in science. Historically, we have had a great track record of contributing to global knowledge in a whole range of science disciplines that have led to improvements in production systems, genetics and standards in both livestock and crops. It is essential that we continue to do this. We now need new tools and new knowledge to be able to respond to the challenges we face more than ever before to produce food in a sustainable way. The agritech strategy, which has been mentioned a number of times, is an important component of this commitment and the Government are to be congratulated for making these funds available. However, this additional expenditure does not restore our historical spend levels, so we cannot be complacent, as the noble Earl, Lord Selborne, said.

Wearing my hat as chair of the Better Regulation Executive, I feel I should take some responsibility for the decision to discourage the introduction of a soils directive, as referred to by the noble Baroness, Lady Miller. I absolutely agree that the quality of our soils is a matter of concern and a priority issue, but we need to look at alternative solutions to solve the problem by the promotion of best practice rather than by even more EU legislation.

My final concern is that we do not have an overarching strategic plan for the agrifood sector. I absolutely endorse the comments of the noble Baronesses, Lady Parminter and Lady Scott. There is lots of encouraging activity, but there is no glue binding it all together. I find myself involved in a number of important initiatives, but they are taking place in an ad hoc manner without any clear direction, whether it be in providing opportunities for schoolchildren to learn about the countryside, encouraging young people to consider agriculture and the food industry as a career, working with the Farming Help charities—as the noble Lord, Lord Plumb, is doing—or trying to drive forward the science agenda and the extension of knowledge. I find it really encouraging that the industry itself is responding to many of the challenges that we face and is increasingly willing to do so.

This lack of a strategic plan is particularly important as the local enterprise partnerships assume responsibility for administering funds under Pillar 2 for economic development and rural growth. They clearly need to ensure that funding supports regional priorities, but it must also be consistent with government priorities. I would be interested to hear from the Minister what direction has been given to the LEPs in the absence of an overarching plan.

On the subject of a plan, it is concerning that we bounce from one CAP reform negotiation to the next. No sooner do we wrestle with the implementation of the latest agreement than we embark on the next. Each reform package gradually reduces the level of support through the single payment scheme. I am fully aware that negotiations within the EU can be very difficult and I know I am asking for the impossible, but we need clarity on the future of direct support. I am meeting an increasing number of young people who believe that the sooner we have a plan with an agreed timescale to remove the single payment scheme, the sooner we can begin to adjust to an industry that is supported by the food and services it provides rather than public intervention. The current process seems to be based on a thousand cuts. We need a plan.

Water Bill

Lord Curry of Kirkharle Excerpts

Thursday 6th February 2014 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Parminter]

My Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Oxburgh, for his probing amendment. My Amendment 133, also in this group, seeks to amend the Water Industry Act 1991 to allow water companies to introduce compulsory metering, if supported by their customers.

Current legislation means that water companies are able to introduce domestic water meters on a compulsory basis only where the Secretary of State has determined that either the whole or part of their area is an area of serious water stress. My amendment would simply remove this barrier, allowing water businesses to do what they felt was in the best interests of their customers and increasingly scarce water resources.

We know that metering gives consumers greater control over their water consumption and so can improve affordability. It also helps water companies to target households using large amounts of water, provide water efficiency support and tackle leaks. On that point, perhaps I may say how welcome it is that this Bill transfers the responsibility for supply pipes from customers to water companies as this should help to drive down leakages. The case for smart metering, combined with advice on how to reduce water usage, and social tariffs that minimise affordability issues for disadvantaged heavy-use households, is strong, and has been well made by the noble Lord, Lord Oxburgh. As he has said, the independent Walker review in 2009 recommended a widespread switchover, as, indeed, did the EFRA Committee in the other place.

We know now that some water companies denied pursuing this course of action by current legislation want it. The chief executive of Northumbrian Water, Heidi Mottram, supports it. The company knows that it has to plan its businesses for the future, when climate change and other constraints may well impact on areas not presently water stressed. Given the opportunities in this Bill to trade water, they want all the tools they can get to maximise the precious and increasingly valuable resource that water is.

This seems to be a reasonable amendment. All it would do is give companies the right to speak to their customers and manage their businesses to their benefit, with increasingly scarce water resources. It does not force, rather it enables water companies to consider the wider social and environmental benefits that metering brings.

[Lord Curry of Kirkharle (CB)]

My Lords, I, too, thank the Minister and the department for the very helpful briefing notes we have been given, and for the opportunity to explore the Bill with him and his team. I fully endorse the comments of the noble Baroness, Lady Parminter, on Amendment 133. I also firmly support the noble Lord, Lord Oxburgh. I declare an interest in that I chair the management board of a rural estate that has an extraction licence.

At a time when the management of water is such a critical issue, I would go even further than this amendment. I think that a timetable should be set, by which time all consumers of water are charged for the volumes they use. These amendments mark a step towards that objective. I cannot understand the reluctance to expand the use of water meters. I know that there is an installation cost involved and that it will take time. The potential costs of installation could be fairly significant, as the noble Lord, Lord Oxburgh, pointed out, and of course meters have a limited life and will need to be replaced over time. However, these costs need to be set against the fact that metered customers use between 10% and 15% less water. Some will use more and some less, but the overall net benefit of a saving of 10% to 15% is massive.

The current policy of allowing companies to apply for the right to install water meters in areas of water stress has a certain logic. However, we have seen vividly over the past two years the dramatic impact of extreme weather events, whether they are the result of climate change or whatever. Flooding in winter and drought in summer could become much more frequent occurrences than has been the case historically, and water stress could become a reality well beyond the south and east of England. Even using the existing definition, we are likely to see a requirement for increased water use. Better, I would suggest, that we should extend the option of charging now in anticipation of the inevitable pressures on supplies, as mentioned earlier by the noble Lord, Lord Redesdale.

I come back to the issue of managing water. The well-known maxim, “If you can’t measure it, you can’t manage it”, seems to apply very precisely to the subject of water. As I have mentioned, I chair an estate. We are now well advanced in the process of installing meters in every household and enterprise across the entire estate. We know where every litre goes and we can charge appropriately. We are also able to monitor, remotely in the office, how much water is being used, where and by whom. It is very effective and much more efficient. The water industry needs to become much smarter in its management of water, and measuring is essential. I understand that Anglian Water now has around 90% of its customers metered, not through compliance but because it makes sound economic sense. Other companies, particularly in the freed-up market that we are trying to achieve through this Bill, need to be encouraged to do the same.

I would like to make one final point. It costs all of us £14 every year to cover the costs of unpaid water bills. It is a fact of life that if we do not appreciate the value of water, we are likely to be much more indiscriminate in our use of it. We should take the opportunity in this Bill to further establish the principle of charging for water use. The Walker review, which has already been mentioned twice, firmly endorsed this approach, and I hope that the Minister will give this proposal his serious consideration.

[Earl Cathcart]

My Lords, when preparing to speak to this amendment, I was going to support the amendment of the noble Lord, Lord Oxburgh, but having listened to the debate so far, I find myself supporting both amendments. I support in particular the part of the amendment tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Oxburgh, which states that,

“the Secretary of State shall be authorised to allow metering … in areas where metering might generate other social benefits”.

I was talking to somebody outside who, on asking what I was doing here and learning that I was involved in the Water Bill, said that they were on the board of a water company, which had been stopped by Ofwat when it tried to roll out meters across its area. I hope that I have this right—listening to the noble Baroness, Lady Parminter, I think that I have—but the reason was that the company was not in an area of water stress. This seems unbelievable. If true, and I have no reason to doubt it, what gives Ofwat the right, or the power, to stop the rollout of meters when we all recognise the advantages that we have talked about, such as reducing demand, cutting costs for consumers, promoting fairness et cetera? If Ofwat has that power, what are the Government going to do to—I was going to use the word “curtail”, but let me use the word that the Minister used in a previous amendment—amend Ofwat’s powers in this regard?

South Sudan

Lord Curry of Kirkharle Excerpts

Monday 26th March 2012 Grand Committee

[Lord Curry of Kirkharle]

My Lords, I thank noble Lords very much for the opportunity to participate in this debate. Like others, I very much appreciate the fact that the noble Baroness, Lady Cox, has tabled this subject for discussion this afternoon. I declare an interest as trustee of a charity called AID, Anglican International Development, working with the Episcopal Church of Sudan. As has been referred to by the right reverend Prelate and the noble Baroness, Lady Cox, Archbishop Daniel Deng is a significant influence in South Sudan, and works very closely with the Government and government Ministers. I believe we ought to recognise that, and enable him to help in bringing about a peaceful solution if that is at all possible.

The position with regard to oil has been discussed in some detail this afternoon. However, the terms under which this agreement has broken down make a resolution unlikely in the short term because of the significant demands the north was making for the transportation of that oil: over $30 per barrel, which is excessive. We have a very difficult situation, which is making the dependence on aid even greater in South Sudan. This leads us to the comment made by the noble Lord, Lord Bates: we need to find ways to help South Sudan to diversify from oil and its dependence on aid. It is to that extent that we in AID are very keen to work with the church and the Government of South Sudan. The church is the only infrastructure in South Sudan reaching the population and local communities, whether it is to assist them in the development of better health standards through medical assistance, or through the development of food programmes, which is clearly a high priority for us.

My personal responsibility is to try to establish institutional links between universities, colleges and training centres here and in Sudan. This will enable provision of help through training and knowledge transfer to assist people to begin to feed themselves. As the noble Lord, Lord Bates, has mentioned, when I was out there and met the Minister, he said that food security was the highest priority of the Government, but that currently they are only 5 per cent self-sufficient in food. South Sudan has some of the most fertile land in Africa. The Nile flows through the country and in many areas they can crop twice a year. They could be part of the bread basket of Africa. However, such is the disruption to infrastructure from the civil war that they are failing seriously to satisfy their own food needs, and will do so for some time to come.

It is critical that our Government do what they can to help; not just through the emergency and short-term provision of aid, but in the long term by developing links with the Government of South Sudan. This is an emerging democracy that is going to need significant help. We have a specific issue at the moment regarding a microfinance project which we are operating in Juba. We have failed, as yet, to receive a licence to operate the project. We have been given a letter and permission to trade, but the Bank of South Sudan does not have a licensing system in place. This is a very small example of the need to assist the Government in establishing institutions so that democracy can proceed. The UK Government can, and ought to, do a lot to help this emerging democracy.