South Sudan

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Wednesday 1st February 2017 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

My Lords, I am always happy to learn from the noble Baroness’s experiences on the ground, and I will certainly look at that. With regard to aid, we have taken a lead role. We have contributed £357 million to address the humanitarian crisis since the outbreak of conflict. The Government of South Sudan have continued to block access to some areas, but I give this undertaking to the people of South Sudan, one that I feel sure that the House will join: we will not abandon them.

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, article 1 of chapter 5 of the South Sudan peace accord charges the unity Government with establishing an independent hybrid court to help bring justice to the country, yet in Juba last week the South Sudan Government said that that much sought-after hybrid court will undermine peace, which they say they need time to achieve, at the expense of justice for the victims of the atrocities in that country. As a member of the troika, do the Government support that analysis, and what action are they taking to persuade South Sudan to participate in the implementation of transitional justice as a priority?

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

My Lords, the August 2015 peace agreement indeed mandated the creation of a hybrid court for the most serious crimes, and we then urged and continue to urge the African Union to accelerate its implementation. I suspect that I shall raise these issues when I travel shortly to the region— during the Recess, I hasten to add, in case the Chief Whip is listening. I am fortunate enough to be travelling to Kenya, Uganda and Burundi and, in Uganda, I shall be able to see some of the generosity given by the Ugandan people to refugees—to those who have suffered in this conflict.

Sudan

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Monday 23rd January 2017 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

My Lords, I perfectly understand the valuable reasons why the noble Baroness asks that question today—but perhaps she was unable to see that the Question on the Order Paper changed, and therefore South Sudan is no longer part of today’s Question. However, I reassure her that it will be on the Order Paper to be asked next week, and I will certainly address it at that stage. She is right to raise those questions. Indeed, some from South Sudan have fled to Sudan itself, and we are trying to assist with aid there.

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, the United States sanctions placed on Sudan because of the humanitarian and genocidal crimes in Darfur, the Nuba mountains and South Kordofan and Blue Nile states have apparently been lifted by executive order from the past United States President, in response to supposed positive actions. I think that the Minister acknowledges that the abuses have continued pretty well unabated, with humanitarian access still blocked, the indiscriminate slaughter of civilians, the refusal to rein in sexual violence throughout Darfur, and attacks by militia forces in South Kordofan and the Blue Nile. Apart from providing potential business investment opportunities, what positive relief has the Sudan dialogue and Khartoum process given to the oppressed and abused minorities in that region?

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

My Lords, there were several important points there. May I in response point out that when the US promised to lift economic sanctions it was on the basis of a raft of conditions, which will be assessed by July? The first condition is a ceasefire across the country. The noble Lord raised Darfur and the Two Areas, on which I thought I had already responded. The opposition forces there say that there has not been a breach. We are aware, however, of reports of clashes in Nertiti, Darfur. The problem is that we have not been able to verify those with people on the ground, because of the difficulty of access—but I assure the noble Lord that we shall continue trying to do so.

Outcome of the European Union Referendum

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Wednesday 6th July 2016 Lords Chamber

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, I congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Low, and the preceding speaker, my good and noble friend Lord Clement-Jones, on the salutary contributions they have made to this debate.

It is even more difficult at number 101 on the speakers list to find something novel to say but what I may try to do is to emphasise some of the key issues as I see them and underline the thoughts of people who spoke earlier. My work since the 1970s has engaged me with the EU institutions one way or another. Those institutions can be aloof, inefficient, expensive, micro-managing control freaks. They are long overdue for reform. However, over the decades they have created the world’s largest single market, cemented peace, and united a continent. They have raised standards, advanced scientific and medical research and improved the environment. There is serious concern that studies are showing that over 80% of all referendum stories in our press were negative. There is concern that most newspapers apparently chose wilfully to deceive and help to hoodwink the millions of poorer and disadvantaged and most vulnerable citizens. The referendum campaign, particularly for the outs, sank to depths of mendacity rarely seen in our press, while an opinion poll taken after the result showed that seven out of 10 Brexit voters thought the referendum did not matter very much. As events unfold, the outcome most certainly will.

The economic case for leaving the EU presented by the Brexiters makes much of an assumption that the UK would then be free to trade with whoever in the world, unshackled from EU regulations. However, the most cursory examination confirms this assumption to be blatantly false. The EU is the largest trading partner with the rapidly expanding markets of Africa and the same applies with India and China, which have both made clear their reluctance to see Britain leave the EU. Both are on record as being far more interested in negotiating comprehensive trade deals with the EU of 28 nations as one rather than with the UK singly, even if it is the second-largest economy in Europe.

President Xi Jinping, on his recent visit to the UK, said:

“China hopes to see a prosperous Europe and a united EU”,

with Britain as an important member playing,

“an even more positive and constructive role in … the … development of China-EU ties”.

He could not put it more plainly than that. Asia’s leaders have, without exception, encouraged the UK not to withdraw from the EU. In India, where the UK is seen as its entry point to the EU market, there is widespread concern that leaving would create considerable uncertainty in the economy and have an adverse impact on investment. With the pound falling to its lowest level for more than 30 years this morning, that concern is well justified.

Across the Commonwealth, which Brexiters cling to like an economic get-out-of-jail card, it is a similar story. The Prime Ministers of both Australia and New Zealand are on record as supporting continued British membership of the EU, welcoming our strong role in Europe. John Key, the New Zealand Prime Minister, said that,

“if we had the equivalent of Europe on our doorstep … we certainly wouldn’t be looking to leave it”.

Although Australia and New Zealand have strong and natural links to the UK, we cannot turn the clocks back 50 years. As trading opportunities, their markets, at some 20 million souls together, are a fraction of those in the African, Pacific, Caribbean and Asian regions, not to mention the 500 million we are already joined with in the EU. I often wonder where the pundits suggesting there is a cornucopia of trading deals just waiting for the UK to leave the EU get their rationale from.

On visiting the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa just a few months ago, I found that without exception the diplomatic corps, the United Nations agencies and government Ministers from across Africa could not fathom the logic behind Brexit. They feared that influence between the EU and the African Union would be weakened and that security intelligence in Africa currently shared with the UK by EU states would be compromised, undermining our soft power in the continent.

The impact on trade between Africa and the UK will be immense. With African economic growth rates at double or even triple those in Europe, demand for high-quality goods and services booming and unprecedented investment levels, Africa is a long-term market of choice. The latest figures available record that annual trade flows between Africa and the EU, including the UK, reached $350 billion. The projection for China was $200 billion. For the US, it was $100 billion. That sequence of figures spells it out. The projections are that with trade between Africa and the EU already double the sum of the other major markets, it will continue to expand rapidly. This is partly because economic partnership agreements—EPAs—have been negotiated between the European Union and five African economic regions, comprising 33 countries, as well as the Caribbean and Pacific regions.

The EPAs are designed to remove trade barriers and tariffs that impede trade and economic growth between developing regions and the EU countries, bringing direct benefit to both. For the UK, this apparently amounted to some 15% of the uplift. Such is the complexity of the arrangements and negotiations, it has taken 15 years to reach the EPAs’ signing and implementation stage. Outside the EU and outside the EPAs, the UK loses the benefits of these tariff exemptions to these huge markets and, one must assume, faces years of tortuous negotiation to regain entry, while our competitors entrench from their favoured positions.

For some years now, I have been representing the UK Parliament on the governing council of AWEPA, which some colleagues will remember was the organisation of European parliamentarians established to support the so-called front-line states bordering the then apartheid South Africa. Today, AWEPA members, including the UK, are working in 10 African countries, the African Economic Community and the East African Legislative Assembly. They are developing the skills to strengthen these institutions, which are essential to the effective oversight and monitoring of development projects in line with the sustainable development goals. With some 30% of the UK’s aid budget disbursed through the European Union, one can only wonder what will happen to this strategic exercise in soft power in the future.

Sudan

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Wednesday 6th July 2016 Lords Chamber

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, following Oxfam’s statement that the Khartoum process represents Europe sacrificing its values,

“on the altar of migration”,

will the Government consider their position as chair of that process? And, following the outcome of the EU referendum, what is the position of the UK within the troika, given that there will no longer be European Union representation within that group?

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

My Lords, with regard to the technicality of the membership of the troika, we remain there very firmly, a strong partner of Norway and the United States; there is absolutely no doubt about that. As for the chairmanship of the Khartoum process, we will remain as chair until Ethiopia, I believe, takes over the role later this year in the normal way. We will continue to have a strong focus on the conflicts and human rights situation throughout Sudan.

Sudan: Human Rights

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Thursday 17th December 2015 Lords Chamber

Asked by

[Lord Chidgey]

To ask Her Majesty’s Government what is their assessment of the current human rights situation in Sudan.

[The Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Anelay of St Johns) (Con)]

My Lords, the human rights situation in Sudan remains of serious concern, particularly regarding reports of violations of international humanitarian law and the use of sexual violence in conflict. We consistently raise our concerns with the Government of Sudan and armed opposition groups and, where relevant, in the UN Security Council. In addition, we supported a renewed mandate for the UN independent expert on human rights at the Human Rights Council this September.

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

I thank the Minister for that response. In 2004, Gayle Smith, the respected US analyst on Sudan, wrote in the Washington Post, in terms, that the efforts of the US Administration to end Sudan’s conflict would have been wasted if they allowed the Sudanese Government to continue to commit crimes against humanity. They would have demonstrated to Khartoum that it could act with impunity against its own people. Eleven years later, Gayle Smith has been appointed head of the US International Development Agency. In the mean time, 2.5 million people have been displaced in Darfur and 300,000 killed. Some 500,000 children are suffering from severe acute malnutrition and will die without emergency action. Will the Government remind Gayle Smith of her prophetic words and urge the US agency to join the UK in taking the strongest lead in the Security Council, and in the UN as a whole, to bring to an end Khartoum’s record of human rights abuse and denial of humanitarian aid access?

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

My Lords, we take a very strong position with the Government of Sudan on all those matters, and we work closely within the troika with our colleagues, the United States and Norway. Sudan has suffered now for decades in a situation where its Government appear to ignore the needs of their own population. We work within the United Nations, and of course the Human Rights Council is part of that body. In particular, we support the work of the UN panel of experts to document breaches of the sanctions regime, breaches of international humanitarian law and offences against individuals, which can be followed up because of course no one should be able to claim immunity or impunity for those crimes.

Nigeria

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Thursday 17th December 2015 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

Yes, my Lords. The noble Lord is right to point out Nigeria’s position in ECOWAS and how important it is that it plays a strong role there and appreciates the position it ought to take. The advantage of the Conflict, Security and Stability Fund is that now we can have project funding on a four-year cycle, which makes it more certain.

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, Boko Haram systematically attacks education provision in the northern states of Nigeria, which now have exceptionally low levels of enrolment in primary, secondary and further education and where many schools have been closed for three years or more. With literacy levels falling to less than 60%, will the Government make representations to the Nigerian Government to prioritise education provision in these northern states? Will they also stress the importance of consistent, regular payment of teachers’ wages in state schools, improved teacher training and a focus on reopening closed schools and making them secure learning environments?

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

The noble Lord is right to point to the importance of education, because it provides security for children that they can be with their families and have a future. We have stressed to President Buhari that the work carried out militarily to defeat Boko Haram is only one part of the process. It is crucial that we work to ensure that there is reform of the constitution and the way it tackles and respects minorities. It is also crucial to support education systems for the future security of that area.

Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Thursday 17th December 2015 Lords Chamber

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, first, I congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Luce, on securing this debate at such an appropriate time for this House. In his contribution, he recognised the commitment of the Maltese Government at their CHOGM. He made an interesting point about whether the United Kingdom would do the same at our London CHOGM in a couple of years’ time. He brought a very wide range of issues before us and reminded us that it is of course the young who lead the way.

The noble Lord, Lord Howell, set out the scale of the Commonwealth, in spite of the lack of time for Members in this debate and the lack of interest in the British press in covering the Commonwealth. He said that there are big prizes in growing markets for the Commonwealth. He ended with a very apposite question: “How long will we be ignorant of our own strength?”. What a wonderful comment to think about.

The noble Lord, Lord Robertson, talked about the Queen Elizabeth Diamond Jubilee Trust and commented on the commitment of Her Majesty the Queen in her 60 years’ service to the Commonwealth.

My noble friend Lord Steel reflected on his boyhood in Kenya. I was going to say that he was in the hands of the noble Lord, Lord Luce, but “patronage” would probably be the right way of putting it. He made the point that there are great things to come from the newly elected Secretary-General, the noble and learned Baroness, Lady Scotland. She has noted that 40 out of 53 Commonwealth countries still criminalise homosexuality and has therefore set herself a target for change, which is admirable.

The noble Baroness, Lady Featherstone, made such a wonderful maiden speech in only three minutes, which is quite remarkable. She set out the passions in her life: the protection of individuals from violence and discrimination; the protection of women; the abolition of FGM; her commitment to LGBT rights; and fighting climate change. My noble friend Lord Sandwich gave us the wonderful example of Lutyens and his view of architecture in Delhi—which of course most of us will have seen—setting standards that can be adopted and adapted for a wide range of issues across the Commonwealth.

That of course reminds us of potential Commonwealth members, as did the noble Lord, Lord Rana. It just so happens that I have some strong connections with the Republic of Ireland and I often work with Irish MPs on capacity-building projects in southern Africa. It is slightly difficult when I invite them for a meeting in this place, because to get here they have to come through security at Cromwell Green, which is not particularly attractive for them.

As the noble Lord, Lord Luce, pointed out, the Commonwealth stands out among organisations for the particularly broad range of professional and civil society bodies that enable citizens in member states to work together and provide mutual support. This is acknowledged in the opening words of the Commonwealth charter:

“We the people of the Commonwealth”.

The charter also recognises,

“the important role that civil society plays in our communities and countries as partners in promoting and supporting Commonwealth values and principles”.

My noble friend Lord Watson expanded on this and emphasised it in his speech. As the chair of the advisory council of the Commonwealth Policy Studies Unit, I had the opportunity to attend the 2011 CHOGM in Perth, Australia, where the Commonwealth charter was presented.

At the Malta CHOGM, Her Majesty’s Government chaired the round table on LGBT issues, and I would be grateful if the Minister could advise us of the outcomes of that round table, as this has become such a pertinent topic in our debate today. In their 2015 CHOGM communiqué, Heads of Government paid tribute to the many Commonwealth organisations and individual citizens who had gathered in Malta. They contributed in a diverse way to advancing the Commonwealth’s values, principles, goals and priorities.

A very significant Canadian contribution is the Commonwealth of Learning, or the COL, an outcome of the 1987 Vancouver CHOGM. The COL has been generously supported by Canada and other member states, and is still based in Vancouver. Under the leadership of Professor Asha Kanwar of India, it continues to deliver an important expression of intergovernmental co-operation on education, which has always been a primary area of Commonwealth focus.

In Malta, Heads of Government welcomed the work of the COL and its “learning for development” approach in enhancing access to quality education and training, leading to employment and entrepreneurship. They envisage that under its new strategic plan, and through the use of ICT, it will add value to national efforts to accelerate progress towards achieving the sustainable development goals. Heads of Government expressed particular appreciation for the Virtual University for Small States of the Commonwealth—another COL initiative—and in particular its use of innovative technologies for human resource development in small states and the special initiative to prevent child marriage.

While in Malta for the CHOGM, Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull of Australia announced that his country would double its financial contribution to the COL. This is a great boost in support and will help the COL to improve the lives of thousands of vulnerable girls and women. As Professor Kanwar pointed out when acknowledging the values of this fresh financial commitment, investing in girls and women yields high returns.

The work of the Association of Commonwealth Universities, which I think the noble Lord, Lord Luce, also mentioned, and of the Commonwealth Scholarship and Fellowship Plan, and the contributions of the Commonwealth Scholarship Commission, are impressive in their impact and influence, offering beacons of hope and real opportunity for many of the most promising young people. Scholarships, fellowships and other forms of educational exchange are critical to building and sustaining pan-Commonwealth co-operation and are an important way of showing the commitment of the United Kingdom to international development and understanding.

I encourage DfID and the FCO to find ways of strengthening scholarships and fellowships as a powerful strand of influence and good will, not least because of the way in which Commonwealth undergraduate and postgraduate students are able to carry forward and expand their links with this country and more widely through the Commonwealth’s networks of professional and civil society organisations, to which I have already referred. Under the coalition Government, it was particularly satisfying how BIS and UKTI provided support for special fellowships in connection with the Commonwealth Science Conference held in Bangalore. This revival of a gathering that had not taken place for 50 years showed renewed understanding of and confidence in the importance of the Commonwealth as a forum for co-operation and exchange.

In their Malta communiqué, the Heads of Government paid tribute to the Science Conference and welcomed Singapore’s offer to host the next Commonwealth Science Conference when it convenes in June 2017. The conference attracts and warrants the attention and investment of resources by such eminent institutions as the Royal Society, the Indian Institute of Science and the National Research Foundation in Singapore. We should also pay tribute to the imaginative partnership project, Commonwealth Class, which is bringing understanding of their Commonwealth identity to a new generation of Commonwealth citizens. Again, the noble Lord, Lord Luce, picked up on this. Led by the British Council and the Commonwealth Secretariat, the project presents high-quality videos and learning materials on the values of the Commonwealth charter. Schoolchildren around the world can work together online and acquire citizenship skills and a global perspective.

Initiatives such as this, particularly for schools and young people, are needed more now than ever. The Commonwealth has the reach, the diversity and the networks to lead in advancing respect and understanding. In this context, I commend the very welcome support being provided by the Government and other member states for a new unit in the Commonwealth Secretariat to focus on the vital work of countering violent extremism. Through its work on civil paths to peace, the Commonwealth collectively has given a lead in finding innovative and inclusive ways of peacebuilding and national development. From its earliest days, and on crucial issues such as fighting institutional racism, particularly in southern Africa, the Commonwealth has been able to lead and convene for progressive and liberal approaches.

We look forward to a new chapter opening under the stewardship of the noble and learned Baroness, Lady Scotland—a citizen of Dominica, let us not forget. As so many other noble Lords have done, I congratulate her warmly on her appointment as Commonwealth Secretary-General. This must be the best thing since sliced bread as far as we are concerned. Finally, I am delighted we have had the opportunity, in this most timely debate, of considering the contribution the Commonwealth makes and how, to quote the theme of the 2015 CHOGM, it is adding global value.

Bilateral Trade: United Kingdom and Africa

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Wednesday 11th November 2015 Lords Chamber

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, first, how intriguing it was to hear the comments from the noble and learned Baroness. I had not realised her connection with Dominica—a beautiful country which I once visited, and which I think is famous for its ecological tourism. Thank you for that information.

I congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Sheikh, on bringing this issue to us today. Speaking as the co-chair of the All-Party Africa Parliamentary Group, I think his speech told us an awful lot about Africa’s potential. Perhaps I may say how much I, too, look forward to the maiden speech from my colleague and noble friend Lord Oates, who I understand accompanied the noble Lord, Lord Sheikh, to Ethiopia. My noble friend brings to your Lordships’ House a wealth of experience in local and national government, having served as the deputy leader of Kingston-upon-Thames Council and, latterly, as the chief of staff of the Deputy Prime Minister in the last Parliament.

In encouraging bilateral trade between the UK and Africa, a good point of reference is the importance of good governance to investors in creating stable and reliable markets. Accountability, transparency and probity are the new watchwords in the international aid and development world, coupled with an overarching demand to gain value for money for taxpayers in results-based aid and development programmes. So far, so good, but what about encouraging UK bilateral trade at the sharp end by getting into the marketplace ready to negotiate, keen to trade and to set up joint ventures and win business? Questioning one ambassador in Africa on how UK business development was going in his country generated an interesting response. Apparently, a major UK oil company had just secured a multi-billion pound project with the possibility of subcontracts then trickling down to UK firms. In other words, the box for expanding UK trade was well and truly ticked.

In reality, of course, multinational organisations are well equipped to do their own business development and are unlikely to need embassy support, unless they are in diplomatic or political trouble. What we need to know is—I hope that the Minister can start to answer this in his reply—what guidance is given to embassy and high commission staff on assisting small to medium-size enterprises? The SMEs are the companies with the flexibility and the ideas for developing world-beating products. They are critical to our economic growth, but often without the financial resources to pursue African markets, develop products and support their customer base. Can the Minister tell me what training FCO and DfID staff are given in market assessment and business development, for example, and in establishing protocols within which they can assist private sector companies fairly and evenly?

UK-Africa bilateral aid is increasingly influenced by EU trade agreements, particularly the contentious economic partnership agreements, or EPAs. African countries are placing renewed emphasis on developing their food processing industries, creating more employment and adding greater value to their agro-food exports, often in partnership with UK and EU-based companies. A reality is emerging, however, in that in a number of agro-food sectors the rise in imports of these products is generating a disconnect between expanding urban demand and the rural African hinterlands. By removing tariff and non-tariff barriers, the EPAs have led to a massive increase in the value of EU agro-food exports to sub-Saharan Africa. Local African farmers and producers are being severely damaged by EU exports, which now account for nearly 50% of the poultry meat sector, for example, and are closing off their market opportunities. Similarly, expanding EU milk powder exports are substituting for local milk production, to the detriment of local farmers. Far greater scrutiny is needed of how trade and agricultural policies impact on the efforts of African countries and regions to promote the development of agricultural sectors.

In conclusion, will the Government pledge to recognise fully the development needs of African countries in the agro-food sector and that, within the UK’s compass, no sub-Saharan African Government will be obliged to implement trade policy measures that undermine their national agro-food sector strategies?

Soma Oil & Gas: SFO Investigation

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Monday 14th September 2015 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

The noble Lord makes a perfect point. In practice, the person who briefed me today was previously with DfID and has given me the assurance that these matters are discussed. We need to learn the lessons from any such circumstance; clearly, we share that around Whitehall. However, the next time I go on a military helicopter, I will get out of it a little better than I did this last time.

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

While Somalia is struggling with the prospect of new-found oil wealth, al-Shabaab terrorists are murdering citizens and may massacre AU peacekeepers with impunity and almost at will. What is the Government’s response to the grave concerns over AMISOM and Somalia’s forces’ operational capabilities, with a lack of effective co-ordination and shared command structures and, crucially, a lack of air power? What steps are the Government taking within the UN Security Council to support Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s declared ambition to reform financial governance of the national security sector, building a more integrated, accountable and transparent sector, subject to rigorous oversight?

[Baroness Anelay of St Johns]

The noble Lord raises the serious matter of how al-Shabaab may be defeated in the area and the role of AMISOM. We support the counter-al-Shabaab effort by funding, advice and support to AMISOM command, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia, UNSOM, and the EU training mission. It is essential that we continue to do all we can with regard to skilling and supporting those military efforts. Somalia can have a successful future, but first it needs to overcome its security problems and encourage proper investment.

Eritrea and Ethiopia

Lord Chidgey Excerpts

Tuesday 27th January 2015 Lords Chamber

Asked by

[Lord Chidgey]

To ask Her Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of recent events in Eritrea and Ethiopia, and of their impact on migration to western Europe.

[Lord Chidgey (LD)]

My Lords, according to the UN refugee agency, in the first 10 months of 2014, the number of asylum seekers in Europe from Eritrea nearly tripled. In Ethiopia and Sudan, the number of Eritrean refugees also increased sharply. By November, some 37,000 Eritreans had sought refuge in Europe, compared with around 13,000 a year ago. Most asylum requests have been lodged in Sweden, Germany and Switzerland, with the vast majority arriving by boat from across the Mediterranean. Eritreans were the second largest group to arrive in Italy by boat, after the Syrians. An unprecedented number of Eritreans are fleeing their country as refugees, on a precarious journey to Europe as well as to bordering countries. As at mid-2013, the UNHCR estimated that the total population of concern originating from Eritrea was more than 313,000 people, including more than 292,000 refugees and 20,000 asylum seekers.

Sheila Keetharuth was appointed special rapporteur on the human rights situation in Eritrea by the UN Human Rights Council in September 2012. Since then, she has made several requests to visit Eritrea; so far, her requests have been denied. She has nevertheless reported on the human rights situation in Eritrea. In her second report, in May 2014, she confirmed that violations included indefinite national service; arbitrary arrests and detention; extrajudicial killings; torture; infringement of freedom of movement, assembly, association and religious belief, and so on. In November 2014, the UN announced that the commission of inquiry into human rights abuses in Eritrea, established in response to the steep rise in migration out of the country, had begun operations. It is due to report in June 2015.

A common argument from Eritrean pro-government supporters is that the exodus of Eritreans is due to economic pull factors. If this were the case, one would surely expect to see refugees from other developing countries fleeing in similar epic proportions. They clearly do not. On the other hand, there are apparently numerous human rights violations that incite Eritreans to leave the country. In this regard, the indefinite national service and arbitrary arrests and detention, or fear of them, are the top push factors for flight, according to the special rapporteur.

According to reports from the UN Human Rights Council, Eritrea holds many detainees without charge or due process. Some have been in prison for more than a decade. Others have died in detention. Apparently, detention without recourse to justice is common in Eritrea, there being no avenues for detainees to submit complaints to judicial authorities, or to request investigations of credible allegations of inhumane conditions or torture. There is no independent authority serving on behalf of detainees. Furthermore, detainees and family members do not challenge, allegedly for fear of reprisals. The state does not investigate or monitor conditions in detention centres, nor does it appoint independent monitors to do so.

The Danish Immigration Service undertook a fact-finding mission to Ethiopia, London and Eritrea in the autumn of 2014, publishing its findings and conclusions in November 2014. The conclusions of the report differed significantly from the body of the text in its interpretations of the causes of emigration, quoting information from UN agencies that could not be verified by the UNHCR. Supporters of the Eritrean Government have nevertheless quoted the report widely in response to concerns about the unprecedented number of Eritreans fleeing the country. The UNHCR published its concerns regarding the methodology used by the DIS, stressing that information ascribed to the UN in the report was not provided by the UNHCR, as inferred. Information provided by the UNHCR about Eritrean arrivals was not included; instead, the report relied on the speculative statements of others.

In December 2014, the UNHCR published a detailed, point-by-point commentary and critique of the DIS report. It pointed out the absence of any information on regulatory frameworks for the media, NGOs, research institutes and other actors, and of any assessment of the reliability of information from those sources. It is understood that the DIS has withdrawn its report for further consideration. In the mean time, the 17 recommendations made to the international community in the first report of the UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur on Eritrea still stand.

With regard to development co-operation, for more than a decade, the Eritrean Government have encouraged mining and exploration firms to participate in the exploitation of the country’s mineral resources. Although major firms have stayed away, possibly aware of the risk of complicity in human rights violations through the use of national service conscripts, a number of smaller firms have acquired mining and exploration licences.

According to Human Rights Watch, those mining firms are walking into a potential minefield of human rights problems, particularly getting entangled with the Eritreans’ uniquely abusive programme of indefinite forced labour—the inaptly named national service programme. The programme was originally set at 18 months, but now requires all able-bodied men and most women to serve indefinitely, often for years with no end in sight, under harsh and abusive conditions. Some conscripts are assigned to state-owned construction companies, which have a complete monopoly in their field. International firms operating in the country are more or less forced to engage those companies as subcontractors, thus indirectly supporting a system of forced labour.

The relationship between Eritrea and Ethiopia is arguably the most important and volatile in east Africa. The fall-out between the two former brothers in arms initiated a two-year long border war in 1998. Apparently triggered by a dispute over the border district of Badme, the war claimed about 100,000 casualties, cost billions of dollars, and remains the main source of instability in the region.

Fighting ended with the signing of the Algiers peace agreement and establishment of the Ethiopia-Eritrea border commission in 2000. The commission delivered its delimitation decision in early 2002—importantly, placing Badme inside Eritrean territory. Initially, Ethiopia refused to accept the commission’s findings and refused to withdraw to the border that it had established, leaving thousands of internally displaced people in refugee camps.

Ethiopia eventually accepted the commission’s ruling in 2006, but its implementation continues to be the source of severe tension between the two Governments. Indeed, the UN special rapporteur on Eritrea stated in her second report in May 2014 that she holds the view that border issues should not serve as an excuse for the Government of Eritrea to violate the rights of their citizens within their own territory.

Furthermore, a sustainable peace is unlikely to emerge as long as conflict is seen solely in terms of border demarcation. The economic, political, cultural and historical links that bind the two states together should be the basis for a sustainable framework for peace. According to the Royal Institute of International Affairs—Chatham House—opportunities exist for external efforts to foster improved relationships. A fresh approach should involve engaging with each country separately, rather than immediately attempting to promote dialogue between them.

Economic incentives are central to enabling improved relations between the two states, although prospective economic benefits from reopening the border are unlikely to be persuasive, given that they were unable to prevent the war. International engagement on areas of mutual interest could help foster a sense in Eritrea of stable economic sovereignty against Ethiopia’s economic predominance. Waiting for changes of leadership before making significant efforts to engage is, however, untenable, with no guarantee that successors would adopt a different foreign policy.

In discussions prior to this debate, it has been claimed by Eritrean Government supporters that the Eritrean Government now plan to restrict national service to 18 months as set out in law, probably by the end of the year. I have also acquired a document issued by the Permanent Mission of Eritrea to the UN in New York. The document is entitled “Leaked Memo” and claims to reveal Ethiopia’s destabilising policy against Eritrea. It is apparently a translation into English from Amharic of a news item from the Shabait news agency website last February. I would be grateful if my noble friend the Minister could comment on these developments and perhaps give a considered response in due course.

My noble friend will be aware that since December 2014 a number of responses have been given to Written Questions on Eritrea submitted by noble Lords, including the noble Baroness, Lady Kinnock. These have been commented on in the past but can my noble friend provide an update, for example on the outcomes of meetings of FCO and Home Office officials with Eritrean Ministers in December; on EU negotiations on policies towards Eritrea, to suppress the number of refugees from that country; and on the release of political prisoners in Eritrea since FCO officials raised the issue with the Eritrean ambassador in March 2004, considering that since then a new ambassador has been appointed?