(12 years, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I am very happy to accept the spirit in which the noble Lord, Lord Davies of Oldham, has spoken to the amendments in the name of his noble friend Lord Tunnicliffe. However, the rather hesitant and apologetic tone in which he presented them would make it all the more surprising if I were to say that they found favour with me. They do not, but I will take them seriously because although they replicate amendments that were debated in Committee in another place, of course we as a Government should respond to them.
Why do I believe that it would be a mistake to include the FCA as a full participant in the crisis management MoU? The issue goes right to the heart of what the new regulatory architecture is trying to achieve. The Government are committed to moving away from a tripartite model where accountability was confused and diluted, and responsibilities were overlapping and unclear. There cannot be an issue in the Bill that goes closer to the heart of it than the MoU. A key element in achieving the clarity of responsibilities that we need is making the Bank a single point of accountability for financial stability. We debated that, and it goes to the heart of the architecture. This will help to ensure clarity and focus of communication; it will reduce the potential for delay or confusion; and it will provide the best chance of delivering a timely and successful solution to a risk to public funds. The construction of the MoU, and who is and who is not a party to it, flows directly from that central part of the architecture which this Bill seeks to put in place.
Of course there will be occasions on which the FCA might need to be involved in discussions around financial crisis management. For example, the FCA might have a role in identifying how a scenario might impact on the interests of consumers and in suggesting what action should be taken to protect those interests. However, the FCA does not need to be one of the primary participants in the MoU for those interactions to take place. The legislation provides explicitly for this co-operation between the participants to the MoU and the FCA to be covered in the MoU. That is why, as I am sure the noble Lord, Lord Davies of Oldham, will have noted, paragraph 34 of the draft memorandum sets out that the Bank and the Treasury will involve the FCA and other organisations as necessary. Again, I fully understand and respect the substantive point made by this amendment but it is dealt with through the obligation in the legislation for the co-operation. It is backed up by a paragraph in the draft MoU and that is where we believe it should rest in a way that is compatible with this greater clarity of responsibilities that we have to get into the new system.
To underline the point, the FCA does not have a significant role in the crisis management itself. It is not responsible for responding to or managing serious threats to stability—that is for the PRA and the Bank— nor for prudentially regulating firms that are likely to pose a risk to public funds; a matter for the PRA. Therefore, the FCA does not need to be a primary participant in the crisis MoU alongside the Treasury and the Bank of England. Indeed, I would suggest to the Committee that, if the FCA were included in this way, it would force the FCA to be a participant in meetings and discussions where it had no clear role.
The approach taken by the Bill is the most sensible solution. It ensures an appropriate level of FCA engagement in crisis management, without requiring the conduct regulator to get involved in aspects of crisis management where it has no remit or expertise. I would hope that, on the basis of this explanation of the rationale for the position, the noble Lord would feel able to withdraw the amendment.
Before the noble Lord responds, clearly one area where the FCA has particular responsibilities are competition issues relating to the industry. Can my noble friend put on the record that, if a competition issue is raised in a crisis management situation, there will be an explicit expectation that the FCA would be involved it that?
My Lords, I believe that paragraph 34 of the MoU is sufficiently widely drawn that the MoU will provide for the Bank and the Treasury to involve the FCA in that circumstance. However, we do not specify, and it would not be right to specify, the particular circumstances because the competition and other remits are made clear in the general objectives and obligations that the authorities are under. I do not believe that there is any lacuna in that respect.
(12 years, 11 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, the Government are on track to meet the fiscal mandate which was set by my right honourable friend the Chancellor. The mandate requires the Government to bring the cyclically adjusted current balance into balance at the end of five years. The Opposition may not like it but that fiscal rule means that there is an ability for us to be flexible in the face of very difficult economic conditions; it means that we can preserve the infrastructure expenditure, which is so important, to underpin long-term growth; and it means that the automatic stabilisers can operate. If the noble Lord, Lord Barnett, is suggesting that we should abandon all of that, I wonder what his policy would be.
My Lords, does my noble friend accept that the primary reason for our current deficit is the fact that public expenditure as a percentage of GDP grew from less than 40 per cent to close to 50 per cent in the first 10 years of this century? Will he confirm that the Government’s primary focus is therefore to get public expenditure back down below 40 per cent, where it can be supported by an affordable level of taxes?
I certainly agree with my noble friend that we inherited the worst peacetime deficit situation that this Government have ever known, and that getting the budget back into balance is indeed the priority of this Government.
(12 years, 12 months ago)
Lords ChamberThe IMF does and will continue to play a pivotal role in these systemic issues. There was no agreement at the G20 for an increase in resources for the IMF because, understandably, the US and other key non-European countries want to see the euro area core’s willingness to contribute to the eurozone crisis before they commit. Meanwhile, the IMF has $400 billion available to lend, but I agree with the noble Lord that there is an urgent need to resolve all these interlinked matters.
My Lords, does my noble friend agree that it is undesirable for the IMF or indeed any other agency to fund the debts of any particular country unless that country has a sustainable plan to restore its international competitiveness?
I very much agree with my noble friend. The IMF’s lending programmes are indeed conditional on programmes of that kind.