Syria and the Middle East

Lord Bishop of Wakefield Excerpts

Thursday 27th February 2014 Lords Chamber

[The Lord Bishop of Wakefield]

My Lords, I thank the Minister for her characteristically clear introduction to this debate and for setting the context so succinctly.

In December 2002, I was called to 10 Downing Street for a clandestine meeting with the Prime Minister’s appointments secretary to talk about the possibility of my going to the See of Wakefield. When I arrived, I was terrified that my cover might be blown, since television cameras surrounded us and, indeed, I followed Andrew Marr through the security gate. The cameras were, of course, not for us but for President Assad, who was paying an official visit to the then Prime Minister, Tony Blair. Indeed, there was even talk at the time of persuading the Queen to confer a knighthood on the Syrian leader.

I begin there because we now, as they say, find ourselves in a very different place. For some time, the UK, alongside other western countries, has been backing the so-called Syrian national coalition, an association of most unlikely bedfellows whose only cause for unity is opposition to the Assad regime. That is, even with the typical vagaries of international affairs, an extraordinary volte face.

The complexities facing western nations in looking to future policy on Syria are greater still. For since the intervention in Libya, originally styled as a humanitarian crusade, became fairly swiftly a policy aimed at regime change, international relationships have shifted significantly. It was of course that policy change, more than anything else, which assured the West of a more than usually tricky interface with Russia in any attempt to bring the tragic bloodshed in Syria to a swift conclusion. That conflict has already claimed more than 130,000 lives—someone said earlier that it was now 140,000.

Last summer, with the discovery of Syria’s use of chemical weapons, the western nations were faced with another critical decision. Did the enormity of that terrible abuse of human rights and inhumanitarian behaviour deserve a powerful intervention from the USA, the UK and other North Atlantic allies? We all know the denouement of that crisis, and many of us may be proud that this Parliament, by offering us the opportunity to debate the issue, was almost certainly instrumental in making certain that no western nation intervened in that way at that time.

Where does that leave us now, as this tragic war enters its fourth year? First, all analysis of civil wars suggests that wholesale military intervention from outside the country will lengthen the war. Indeed, as we continue to see, even Iraq has still not thrown off the shackles of the internecine strife with which both this country and the USA engaged so controversially just over 10 years ago. To answer my question as to where that leaves us is itself fraught. It does not leave us, as some simplistic analyses suggest, with either Assad or al-Qaeda. Nor does it leave us with any clear sense that our support for the Syrian national coalition has done anything to bring closure to the conflict, or even any clear resolution of the situation which continues to claim so many lives. It does, however, leave us with a displacement of people on a terrifying scale. In January 2014, the United Nations published figures showing that within Syria, 6.5 million people are already internally displaced and in desperate need. A further 242,000 are under siege, with more than 2.4 million people in external refugee camps.

With more than 2 million refugees, that indicates that the future of Syria lies to a large degree outside the country. That is true not only because of displaced persons but because of the vested interest of powerful nations from both the East and the West. Russia, China and Iran all have interests outside Syria which need to be included in the equation.

Let me return to my question again: where does that leave us now? It does not point us to a religious conflict—despite the destruction, since the beginning of the conflict, of so many of the ancient Christian Syrian communities: Assyrians, Melkhites and Antiochene Orthodox. Of course, the suffering of Christians pales into insignificance when compared with the suffering of the wider Syrian community as a whole. No, this is not a religious but a political conflict, and the only positive way forward must be a political, humanitarian and diplomatic strategy. As we have already heard, the challenges are immense, but the fact that Syria’s future lies to such a degree outside its own borders puts a great moral responsibility on countries like our own.

With that in mind, where might Her Majesty’s Government find leverage? There is no doubt that leverage within the regime in Syria and, indeed, within the myriad of opposition groups, is very limited. I have already hinted at the problems of unqualified support for the Syrian national coalition. It is almost, by definition, a western-selected coalition and therefore does not represent widespread support on the ground within Syria. So, to take a rather contrasting approach, removing international support both for the regime and for opposition groups is a policy which may lead to more possibilities of leverage from the West. Russia, China and Iran’s external interests were alluded to earlier. Removing international support in both directions—that is for the regime and opposition groups—will, of course, not end the civil war in itself. It may, however, help starve the conflict by reducing the resources which continue to fan the flames.

Alongside this, will Her Majesty’s Government support efforts to bring about reconciliation between Iran and Saudi Arabia in order to offer a new axis of stability in the region? The noble and gallant Lord, Lord Stirrup, referred to these various tensions, pressures and axes within the region. Will Her Majesty’s Government also, as I have hinted, seek means to maintain Syrian civil society in Lebanon and elsewhere in the region—in Jordan, for example—where vast numbers of displaced persons are living as refugees?

In asking these questions, let me press the point that we should prescind from further support for a military solution and invest resources—financial and human—in seeking the seeds of a humane and lasting political solution.

Georgia: Islamophobia

Lord Bishop of Wakefield Excerpts

Tuesday 4th February 2014 Lords Chamber

Asked by

[The Lord Bishop of Wakefield]

To ask Her Majesty’s Government what representations they are making to the Government of Georgia regarding Islamophobia in that country; and what steps they are taking to ensure freedom of religion and the rights of minority groups there.

[The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi) (Con)]

My Lords, the UK raises human rights issues on a regular basis with the Georgian Government, both bilaterally and through multilateral institutions such as the EU, the OSCE and the Council of Europe. We have not made any recent representations regarding Islamophobia, but we continue to follow minority rights closely, including through our embassy’s work in Tbilisi and its regional travel. We fund a local NGO to maintain an inter-religion working group, which involves a variety of faith groups, including Muslims.

[The Lord Bishop of Wakefield]

My Lords, last year, I was fortunate to spend a couple of nights with a Muslim family in Batumi, and the next morning I met the president of the semi-autonomous region there, Mr Archil Khabadze. I pressed the question to him of why there was only one mosque for something like 110,000 out of the 150,000 people, that being the number of Muslims in the city. He said that at that time they would take immediate steps to find more land made available for Muslims in that city. I said that I would be coming back in the next three months to open the mosque with other religious groups. Would Her Majesty’s Government please press the authorities to make sure that the local administration there is asked to fulfil the promise that they made; otherwise, these very open Muslims will soon become radicalised.

[Baroness Warsi]

The right reverend Prelate raises a really important issue. His Question prompted me to go away and do some research, and I was quite intrigued to find out that just over 10% of Georgia’s population are indeed Muslim—a much larger percentage than in our own communities. The right reverend Prelate will be aware that one of the challenges in Georgia is that the Muslim community is not particularly well engaged politically and therefore does not really put its head above the parapet. I have become aware of low-level discrimination and tensions towards the Muslim community there, but as Georgia moves towards closer EU integration part of its requirement is to fulfil its obligation to bring in anti-discrimination laws.

Democratic Republic of the Congo

Lord Bishop of Wakefield Excerpts

Monday 3rd February 2014 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Warsi]

My noble friend makes an important point and he is right: corruption means not only that the wealth of the country does not help the poorest but that money earned from minerals in that country serves to finance conflict and abuses of human rights. That is why we have been pushing both for UK businesses engaged in that country to make sure that they follow the OECD guidelines and for the DRC to make progress on the EITI, the extractive industries transparency initiative. The noble Lord may be aware that its candidate status was suspended and we hope that it will be restarted. We also hope that the new DRC oil law, which is under consideration, will make some progress.

[The Lord Bishop of Wakefield]

My Lords, I am sure that the Minister will be aware that my colleague and friend the most reverend Primate the Archbishop of Canterbury is visiting the DRC today with the Minister for Africa. Could she inform the House of the work of Her Majesty’s Government, currently being promoted by them, in the protection of women in the DRC, particularly from gender-based violence?

[Baroness Warsi]

The Minister for Africa will have meetings with the most reverend Primate the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Archbishop of the DRC, particularly to support HEAL Africa, a project which aims to support women who have been subjected to sexual violence.

Central African Republic and the Great Lakes Region

Lord Bishop of Wakefield Excerpts

Monday 18th November 2013 Lords Chamber

[The Lord Bishop of Wakefield]

My Lords, I warmly congratulate the noble Baroness, Lady Berridge, on securing this debate and on introducing it with such clarity of purpose. Those of us of a certain age will remember graphically the tragedy of the Congo, going all the way back to independence itself. This was followed by the Katanga breakaway movement and the instability there, and the subsequent tragedies made the entire Great Lakes region a terrible, open wound on our common humanity. As we know, that conflict, which began all those years ago, continues in a number of countries.

It is now some four months since the Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the Department for International Development, Lynne Featherstone, described the situation in the Central African Republic as, “the world’s forgotten crisis”. It is shameful that this crisis remains hidden from sight, and that the UN humanitarian appeal still seems hopelessly underfunded. Our inability to address this complex emergency and to provide adequate protection for civilians has seen this crisis spread far beyond the republic’s borders to destabilise a region already facing significant challenges. Other noble Lords have already made similar points in this debate. As the Catholic Archbishop of Burundi has recently noted:

“There is a terrifying, real threat of sectarian conflict”.

The noble Baroness, Lady Berridge, has already hinted at this.

The UN Secretary-General’s recent report to the UN Security Council warned that the human rights abuses, such as,

“arbitrary arrests and detention, sexual violence against women and children, torture, rape, targeted killings, recruitment of child soldiers and attacks”,

are becoming ever more common. The reports from the republic confirm all that has been said by the International Federation for Human Rights, which describes the human rights violations as “international crimes”. Nor can there be any dispute that Seleka is the main perpetrator of such atrocities—that point has been made by a number of noble Lords, including the noble Baroness, Lady Kinnock of Holyhead, in the debate already.

It would be helpful to hear from the Minister what progress is being made by the international community to place sanctions on Seleka leaders and warlords, including the freezing of their financial assets. What steps are the Government taking to respond to the allegations of sexual violence and rape? Not long ago, I was fortunate enough to secure a debate on the prevention of sexual violence in conflict. The Foreign Secretary’s Prevention of Sexual Violence Initiative and its team of experts ought to provide an excellent instrument to assist future prosecutions by the International Criminal Court. This is immediately germane to the conflict to which we are all referring in this debate. Measures such as these would surely go some way towards curtailing the level of violence which we are witnessing today.

It is not surprising that the violence and insecurity that now plagues this country has hampered the delivery of humanitarian aid. As a result, local faith groups and a few national and international NGOs are the primary responders. The Catholic development agency, CAFOD, reported last month that the church is one of the few organisations at present responding to the crisis, by sheltering displaced people, delivering humanitarian aid and addressing religious tensions. Its efforts, however, have been hindered due to lack of funds and problems gaining access because of the violence. Could the Minister assure us that the UK will recognise and strengthen civil society and faith-based groups’ capacity for action, and ensure that they may play a strategic role in the process of reconciliation and reconstruction?

I thank the Minister—a near neighbour of mine in West Yorkshire—for all that she has been saying recently across the Atlantic about religious freedom and strategies for coherence across communities. Most importantly, perhaps, this will assist in the avoidance of sectarian conflict and of the use of religion for political purposes.

Finally, I merely note that it is a tragedy that a country with such abundant natural resources, already referred to by other noble Lords, should be one of the poorest in the world, and subject to such political unrest and economic instability. It is to be hoped that the UN peacekeeping effort will take steps to secure the country’s mining sites, so preventing the republic’s current crisis from spiralling into a wider resource conflict, fuelled by all those greedy for power and greedy for more money.

EU: Prime Minister’s Speech

Lord Bishop of Wakefield Excerpts

Thursday 31st January 2013 Lords Chamber

[The Lord Bishop of Wakefield]

My Lords, in March 1990 the European churches gathered in Geneva to celebrate the tearing down of the iron curtain. More than that, however, it celebrated the solidarity of the Christian churches never recognising the fracturing of Europe into two post 1945. That stance was vindicated. Later that year, I walked through the Brandenburg Gate with my German friend, Klaus Kremkau. It was the first time that he had walked through it since he was a young soldier cadet in 1945. Now he was crossing the threshold with an Englishman.

Early in his speech, the Prime Minister notes:

“today the main … purpose … is … not to win peace, but to secure prosperity”.

No one can doubt that, but peace, as we have seen to our horror in the past few years, can never be taken for granted, even in apparently stable states, so the European Union still exists to secure and sustain a lasting peace, without which there can be no prosperity.

The Prime Minister also notes that the British are not somehow un-European. Even in the seventh century, Saint Wilfrid, Saint Benedict Biscop and others proved that as itinerant travellers and missionaries across Europe. Perhaps that is part of what we are called to be now in a more political sense. In other words, Europe needs change. Its institutions are beyond middle age—almost elderly—but good missionary work always starts from within.

The Prime Minister spoke of three challenges and, as we have heard, five principles. I wonder what might be called the foundation of those principles. Here is a starter for two. Catholic social teaching developed the concept of subsidiarity, which became something of a motto of the European movement. Decisions should be made at the most local level possible. Somehow, the spirit behind that has been lost. Subsidiarity can underpin fairness locally, flexibility and even an appropriate passing of power back to member states—three of the Prime Minister’s principles.

Secondly, there is the democratic deficit. There is a feeling that Europe is ruled by the unelected, by bureaucrats. Such a characterisation has been fuelled by Eurosceptics and ruthlessly pursued by the less responsible media. Again, Christian culture has encouraged proper sharing in decision-making. Benedict’s rule argues for consensus, even at the most local level.

What should be our hope for Europe? Economic prosperity, yes, but not at the expense of the rest of the world. Social development, yes, and the Prime Minister hints at that throughout his speech. In the Christian tradition, human flourishing and fulfilment are the ultimate vision. We need economic and social progress, but there is one step more.

Let me return to the less responsible press. Twenty years ago, the Sun printed one of its celebrated headlines—please forgive my language in this Chamber, but I repeat it verbatim—“Up Yours Delors”. It was Jacques Delors who called for a vision founded on a soul for Europe. That remains essential. The greatest risk is colluding with a referendum process that puts us outside the tent. Reform is essential, but we shall achieve it only if we remain inside, working for Europe’s soul.

Ethiopia and Eritrea

Lord Bishop of Wakefield Excerpts

Wednesday 30th January 2013 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Warsi]

I was not immediately familiar with the specific meeting to which the noble Baroness, Lady Kinnock, refers. She is clearly better informed than I on this issue, as many noble Lords are on regular occasions; it is why we have such expertise on foreign policy in this House. I will make sure that I speak to the Minister for Africa and write to the noble Baroness.

[The Lord Bishop of Wakefield]

My Lords, does the Minister accept that, in the post-Meles era, the international community needs to reset its relations with Ethiopia by pushing the ruling parties to revive the rights and freedoms of the 1994 constitution and by promoting inclusive reforms, as the only way to ensure internal and regional stability as well as durable development?

[Baroness Warsi]

We saw the appointment of Prime Minister Hailemariam as a real opportunity. The right reverend Prelate will be aware that Prime Minister Meles and President Isaias have had a long history with the ongoing dispute between the two countries, and we felt that a change in Prime Minister was an opportunity for the two countries to move together. South Sudan, as the right reverend Prelate will probably be aware, has offered to act as a mediator and facilitator in this dispute, but unfortunately, because of the ongoing violence through 2012, no real progress has been made.

Kosovo

Lord Bishop of Wakefield Excerpts

Tuesday 29th January 2013 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Warsi]

My Lords, it certainly does not cause confusion on this side of the House. However, if I can assist noble Lords opposite in the confusion that they may have, of course we believe that a reformed EU—a much more flexible and competitive EU—is better. That message is completely consistent with having an enlarged EU. The noble Lord’s confusion may well be in relation to some of the briefings that he has been getting from his Front Bench.

[The Lord Bishop of Wakefield]

My Lords, what assurances can the Minister give the House that the opening of accession negotiations between the EU and Serbia will not be considered by the European Council until such time as Serbia has achieved a necessary degree of compliance with the membership criteria, in particular the key priority of taking steps towards a visible and sustainable improvement of relations with Kosovo in line with the conditions of the stabilisation and association process?

[Baroness Warsi]

I can inform the right reverend Prelate that the UK is not asking Serbia to recognise Kosovo at this stage but we are making it clear that the future of Serbia and Kosovo lie in the European Union, as independent states, and that Serbia must accommodate itself to this reality before it joins the EU. Neither should be able to block the other’s path to the EU. As the right reverend Prelate will be aware, the accession discussions with Croatia were much tougher than those on previous accessions, and we will ensure that any future country wishing to be part of the EU family satisfies those very stringent preconditions.

Private Military and Security Companies

Lord Bishop of Wakefield Excerpts

Tuesday 30th October 2012 Lords Chamber

Asked By

[The Lord Bishop of Wakefield]

To ask Her Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the effect of their use of private military and security companies upon the United Kingdom’s reputation, and its diplomatic and military relationships with those countries in which such companies operate.

[The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi)]

My Lords, the Government use private security companies to support UK missions in countries emerging from conflict, principally in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Yemen. They are not military companies and operate with the permission and co-operation of host Governments. We work with host Governments to address any concerns raised. We are working with the industry to raise standards globally by establishing a voluntary, independently audited and internationally recognised regulatory system that is practical, effective and affordable.

[The Lord Bishop of Wakefield]

My Lords, I am grateful to the Minister for her response but would like to press a little further. Has the use of such private companies instead of the Royal Military Police increased the risk of attacks by uniformed Afghans on Her Majesty’s government officials protected by armed contractors? I have in mind particularly the recent death of two British soldiers killed by an Afghan man wearing local police uniform. Does the Minister accept that such examples illustrate that it is now time for statutory regulation to ensure that the conduct of PMSCs does not aggravate local attitudes that may turn Her Majesty’s government officials into similar targets?

[Baroness Warsi]

The right reverend Prelate asks a very important question. He may be aware that private security companies are used in very specific tasks: they are used in a defensive not an offensive way, predominantly to protect embassies and provide close protection and sometimes rapid response. That is always done in conjunction with discussions with the states in which we work. The right reverend Prelate will also be aware of our obligations as a state under the Montreux document and the principles laid out in the international code of conduct which governs the conduct of private security companies.

Queen’s Speech

Lord Bishop of Wakefield Excerpts

Thursday 17th May 2012 Lords Chamber

[The Lord Bishop of Wakefield]

My Lords, I shall return to issues of defence and international security. Last Sunday afternoon I gave an address at a memorial service for Corporal Jake Hartley and Privates Anthony Frampton and Daniel Wilford. All three died in that most deadly incident involving an IED in early March this year, along with three other soldiers, two more of whom were from Yorkshire. The Yorkshire Regiment has borne more than its fair share of casualties. We salute and pay tribute to its soldiers’ courage and the sacrifices that they have made. Amid all the feelings of tragedy and grief on Sunday afternoon, there was a palpable feeling of pride, too. All had given themselves for a safer and more stable world. In this context, it was encouraging to read of the £70 million set aside to support the Afghan national security force beyond 2014. It would press us beyond tragedy if the lives lost in Afghanistan in the past 10 years were seen to be of no avail by allowing that country to slide back into anarchy, civil war or fragmentation into provinces ruled by dangerous warlords.

However, the other question that is posed concerns the true viability of a lasting peace without effective engagement with the Taliban. The presence of US bases and special forces until 2014 seems to rule out the possibility of such engagement. Peace will come only with realism about this factor and not simply by force of arms. What is the Government’s response to this aspect of the peace process?

The commitments outlined on the Horn of Africa and the Middle East are also welcome news. Having sailed through the Gulf of Aden only last year, and engaged to my full extent in pirate practice on board ship, the realities of the instability and dangers there were very immediate in our minds.

Only a brief visit to Eritrea opened one’s eyes to the acuteness of the suffering and poverty in this part of the African continent. The fragility we encountered is far exceeded in Somalia.

Although Her Majesty’s Government’s briefing do not mention commitment of military resources here, two issues remain relevant. Is the Royal Navy committed to contributing to the patrols in these dangerous waters while other efforts are made to bring greater stability to failing states? Secondly, if Syria, Bahrain and other Middle Eastern states remain unstable or in civil conflict, what ancillary resources and reserves do we have should further action be necessary? Libya produced challenges that could not have been predicted at a time when the defence budget was being drastically reduced following the recent SDSR. Indeed, the continued implementation of the SDSR with a planned cut in manpower of 20% alongside continuing gaps in procurement as we await the arrival of the two new aircraft carriers raises questions of how Britain sees her role in the unfolding unstable international landscape.

We have been very well served in this House in the rigorous and transparent briefings that we have received. I take this opportunity to thank the Minister for his untiring work and courtesy in all this. Questions do, however, remain. First, there has been widespread welcome for the enshrining of the military covenant in law. A significant number of noble Lords from all parts of this House contributed much time and focus upon the covenant. My instinct is that the covenant is all the richer for the efforts expended within this House. Thus far, however, the delivery has been modest. Expectations remain high, and understandably so. I began with the families suffering greatly from the continuing casualties in Afghanistan. How will the challenge of caring for the physically and mentally wounded from the campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan be met after combat operations cease?

Secondly, Her Majesty’s Government have not thus far made clear how they see the future role of Britain in international defence and security with the severe reductions in resources. Not only is morale, especially in the Army, very low, following the reduction of resources and the planned future reduction, as well as the cut-backs in manpower, there is also no real clarity about how the aims set out in the SDSR of a continuing high-profile role for Britain in international defence and security and how that is to be made into a reality. Now more than ever it seems important to develop our co-operation on defence issues with our European neighbours. My fear here is that the United Kingdom’s negotiating strategy puts such a step at risk.

The commitments to limiting nuclear proliferation are very welcome. It was good to hear the Minister in his introductory speech talking about Iran in particular. The restraint that the Government have shown in response to those developments in Iran and North Korea together with the robust commitment to non-proliferation is comforting in a volatile international theatre. Can we be given some indication of how we intend to work with the United States of America and the European Union in moving forward efforts to secure positive responses from both the Iranian and North Korean Governments?

We are living in unstable and unpredictable times. The continuing economic volatility adds to the danger of social unrest and military adventurism. The signs, as far as they go, in the gracious Speech are encouraging. But if we are to look toward a clear role for Britain in defence and security, we need a sharpening and filling out of the scenario with regard both to strategy and securing resources for the future. I hope that the Minister can encourage in us a real optimism in his response to these unanswered questions in his summing up this evening.

Democratic Republic of Congo

Lord Bishop of Wakefield Excerpts

Tuesday 15th May 2012 Lords Chamber

[Lord Howell of Guildford]

I repeat that this is exactly what the EITI initiative proposes. Incidentally, this body was set up in 2002 by the previous Government. It has been a considerable influence and success, although it has a long way to go in certain areas. These are just the sort of proposals for an extended authority of the EITI that will be considered by the strategic working group. That aim should certainly be supported by the Government and all Governments who are full members of the EITI now. We recognise the need also for candidates to be required to move to higher standards in order to become full members.

[The Lord Bishop of Wakefield]

My Lords, related to the questions we have just heard, how are DfID’s funds allocated to government programmes in the Democratic Republic of Congo being used to ensure that the DRC Government tackle corruption and non-transparency in the mining sector? Is the Minister’s previous answer related to that or are there other questions to be asked about transparency and corruption?

[Lord Howell of Guildford]

There is a lot more to be said because this is a major subject. DfID programmes are in operation. They are under review and therefore I cannot give a precise up-to-date answer on the size and specific focus of programmes. Generally, the aims behind the DfID programmes are to decrease corruption and to improve the social and educational conditions, and, thereby, conditions in the mining sector generally.