(1 week, 3 days ago)
Lords ChamberI thank the noble Lord. By probing the words “seek assistance”, I am trying to explore what assistance is provided. The noble Lord is quite right in the example of his friend. There are people who cognitively can absolutely understand what is going on. Therefore, in the context of this Bill, they would understand the assisted dying process. But they would need help with the tools by which to communicate their will, and the time and space and sometimes the vocabulary to do that. I note that, in the noble Lord’s example, his friend has only recently come to it. An issue is understanding what the right thing is for some of these people. He also said he can, at the moment, communicate only through his mother. That is my other fear. Far too often with this population, people speak for them because they know them best. I hope that clarifies my intentions.
My Lords, I support the amendments in this group, particularly Amendment 171 in the names of the noble Baronesses, Lady Nicholson of Winterbourne and Lady O’Loan.
Clause 5, as we have heard, introduces a key element in the infrastructure of assisted dying in this Bill by providing what is intended to be a safe, but not mandatory, introduction to the subject of death with the assistance of another human being. For proponents of the Bill, the advantages of such an introduction are obvious. In their minds, it will remove a good deal of unnecessary distress on the part of those who wish to proceed with such an option and on the part of those who do not. However, as we have heard from those of us who have long experience of pastoral encounters, the experience is likely to be rife with pitfalls.
This amendment and the one that follows it, about which I shall say a little and leave it to others to say more, is designed to correct some very obvious impediments to mutual understanding. A good deal of communication is picked up visually. Visual impairment requires an extra dimension when communicating. My twin brother was born with a severe hearing impairment, so I speak with lifelong experience of what it is to communicate thoughts, directions, information and feelings appropriately to someone who has a hearing impairment.
Finally and briefly, for I understand that the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Newcastle wishes to say more, I also commend Amendment 171A. My experience of more than 40 years of ordained ministry is that there are those who purport to represent a religious or cultural identity and do so for less than an individual’s best interests. That may cut both ways in this debate.
I hope that the noble and learned Lord, Lord Falconer, will look favourably on these amendments, which are designed to provide assistance to women who may face coercion. Should the Bill become law, it will make the vulnerable more vulnerable as it currently stands. That is why so very many amendments, including this one, are so vital, although I continue to fear that assisted dying itself would make the vulnerable more vulnerable.
My Lords, I commend the introduction to this group by the noble Baroness, Lady Fraser. At the end of a person’s life, clear and honest communication really matters. When my husband was dying—he had motor neurone disease—he increasingly relied on AACs to communicate. This did indeed test everyone’s patience. People who are dying must be able to understand what is happening to them and what their options are, as well as being able to say what they want and need. But this works only if people understand, and that means that communication must be accessible.
I will focus my remarks on people with learning disabilities. Around one in six of the adult population struggles with literacy—not just people with learning disabilities. That is why the Bill should not just say that “reasonable steps” must be taken; it needs to be much stronger than that. It should say that they “must provide” adjustments, whether that is interpreters, simpler language or information in different formats. In the Equality Act, making reasonable adjustments is a legal duty, not a choice. It is about making sure that everyone is heard, understood and treated with dignity when it matters most.
Clause 39 requires a code of practice to address the provision of information and support to people with learning disabilities. Clause 40 requires the Secretary of State to issue guidance on the operation of the Act and to consult people with learning disabilities prior to issuing this guidance. I have not tabled amendments about this because I cannot think of any way to make this provision robust enough. For such consultation to be meaningful, it is necessary to understand more about how assisted dying could be explained and discussed with people with learning disabilities in a way that is accessible and non-coercive.
However, currently almost nothing is known about the views, understanding and perspectives of people with learning disabilities in relation to assisted dying. Understanding how they understand and make end-of-life decisions, and who or what may influence those decisions, is crucial. There are serious questions and concerns about influence that is far more complex than explicit individual coercion. People with learning disabilities often have very limited health literacy. Many have depended all their lives on others when making decisions about their health and social care. The mere fact of someone explaining the option of assisted dying may be perceived as an endorsement of assisted dying, especially if it is someone in authority, such as a doctor, nurse or care home manager. It is true that there is now mandatory training in learning disability and autism for all health and care professionals, but this is very basic training and does not include supervised communication practice.
I have discussed these issues with Irene Tuffrey-Wijne, who is professor of intellectual disability and palliative care at Kingston University. I declare an interest as the founder and chair of the visual literacy charity Books Beyond Words, which created a word-free picture book called Am I Going to Die? The word-free narrative was co-authored by me and Professor Tuffrey-Wijne and was informed by the professor’s doctoral research, which I supervised, about the experience of death and dying of people with learning disabilities. Noble Lords may be interested to hear that a pilot study has just started at Kingston University, in collaboration with the Down’s Syndrome Research Foundation and Mencap, to explore assisted dying and end-of-life choices with people with learning disabilities. We need to wait for the results of studies such as this before concluding whether it is possible to extend the provisions of the Bill to people with learning disabilities at all.
(1 year, 6 months ago)
Lords ChamberI very much take on board what the noble Baroness has said, and I understand that for many, including her, time is of the essence. I have described the long-term plan but there will be endeavours to improve things in the shorter term; for example, trialling neighbourhood health centres, which will bring together a number of services under one roof to ensure that health and social care are provided close to home, so that people can access the care that they need. We will also develop local partnerships between the NHS and social care so that we can get people home from hospital rather sooner than they have been of late—and, indeed, when they are ready. But it is about patient-centred care, which will always be at the heart of what we do.
My Lords, I welcome the Minister to her post. Does she recognise that one principal reason why fundamental issues around adult social care have not been addressed in the past 25 years is not only the complexity and cost—it is because adult social care is largely invisible and lacks political priority? Do the Government intend to address this?
I thank the right reverend Prelate for his kind words of welcome. I take the point about invisibility in this area, but it would be fair to say that this Government will want to make this extremely visible. It is an issue that will not go away, and also one that is absolutely crucial, not just for those who rely on social care but for the good functioning and provision of the National Health Service. The two are inextricably linked, and we cannot sort out one without the other.
(6 years, 2 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I wish to raise the issue of local services that are likely to have a positive impact on serious youth violence, in particular knife crime. I appreciate that the criminal justice system was key to yesterday’s debate on the gracious Speech, and indeed the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Rochester touched briefly on knife crime in that context. However, I wish to concentrate not on policing per se, nor on the actions of the courts, prison or probation services, but on those of other local agencies.
Clergy from all churches, and ministers of other religions too, are locally based in the communities affected, as are lay ministers, church youth workers and volunteers. Clergy take the funerals, comfort the bereaved, go into schools and seek to provide safe spaces for people to explore a richer and fuller meaning for their life and an identity that recognises the divine image in the other.
The year 2019 was terrible for knife crime in the capital. I was involved in the funerals of two of the victims. The extinguishing of a life, the grief of those who remain, the criminality of the perpetrators and the pervasive and corrosive insecurity these events create for our young people are all too evident.
It is not possible to demonstrate that cuts in funding inevitably lead to violence, but adequate provision for youth services that stress the value of teamwork, structure, mutual respect as a matter of course, value beyond self and the normality of loss and gain bears fruit that will last. They are the immersion in a positive way of life.
I agree with the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Rochester that the proposal for the serious violence Bill to mandate multiagency working is very welcome. But as a range of national charities pointed out in February 2019, between 2010-11 and 2017-18 local authority spending on children and young people’s services fell by 16%, from £10.3 billion to £8.6 billion. In comparison, the funding provided to them fell by 29% in the same period. Within that, there has been a shift from early intervention through children’s centres and family support to late intervention in safeguarding and children in care. There is some way more to go beyond the Government’s election promise of an additional £500 million if the desired impact is to be made.
For those deeply involved in our local communities, the efforts of the Mayor of London through his violence reduction unit, Young Londoners Fund, educational toolkits for schools and the London Needs You Alive online campaign all need our support. The Stepping Stones programme supporting at-risk young people in transition from primary to secondary school is the sort of initiative additional funding should support.
For our part, in the diocese of Southwark we are working with the group Oxygen on providing a 10-week anti-crime programme in schools. We are working with Power the Fight to train clergy and youth workers to provide spaces for young people in churches. The Southwark diocesan board for education is piloting training across 10 Church of England schools on adverse childhood experiences and contextual safeguarding, in a programme developed by the Children’s Society and EduCare to raise teachers’ awareness of safeguarding and adverse experiences of young people, to improve their life chances. The diocese of Southwark supports the Ascension Trust’s Synergy Network, and its pioneering CEO, Les Isaac, who founded Street Pastors and will next month launch a dedicated website as a network of resources for those doing youth work across the capital.
I trust that members of the Government will be sensitive to the funding of local government youth services and those who seek to enable our young people to flourish.
(7 years, 6 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I too express appreciation to the noble Lord, Lord Freyberg, for securing a debate on a subject so full of possibilities for enriching our knowledge and improving the lives of fellow citizens. In England alone the National Health Service deals with more than 1 million patients every 36 hours. The potential use of data is enormous.
The right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Carlisle, who takes a special interest in health matters, is particularly sorry not to be able to participate in this debate. I also congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Bethell, on the quality of his maiden speech. I was, furthermore, particularly grateful for the wisdom of the noble Lord, Lord Kakkar, who spoke from his great expertise in this field. My focus is on mental healthcare data, which was recently highlighted in the Church of England’s toolkit on minority ethnic mental health issues, launched at our General Synod in July.
We know from the Adult Psychiatric Morbidity Survey, conducted every seven years, that one adult in six has a common mental disorder. By gender this breaks down to one woman in five and one man in eight, with the rate for women increasing since 2000 and the rate for men largely static. It is important to know why this is the case. Most mental disorders are more common among those living alone, in poor physical health or unemployed. One should avoid simple remedies, but esteem, living in a community, relational contact, activity and purpose seem to correlate with better mental health.
It is also important to note that there are wider demographic inequalities in who receives treatment for common mental disorders. According to the 2014 survey, after controlling for need, people who were white British, female or in mid-life, which in this instance means 35 to 54—rather younger than the average of fellow Peers—were more likely to receive treatment. Black ethnic groups had particularly low treatment rates. That is a serious matter. Analysing the data by socioeconomic variables demonstrates fewer inequalities in treatment, although people in low-income households were more likely to request a particular treatment but not to receive it.
I appreciate that even a debate as lengthy and as valuable as this is not going to solve systemic issues. It is clear, however, that there are discrepancies in how people are served. In a very different arena from this one—criminal justice—the Lammy report, addressing disproportionality, proposed a standing order of “explain or change”: if the disproportionality cannot be justified, action must be taken to remedy it. In this instance it would be good to know what action will address the failure to treat a category of citizens on the basis of ethnicity.
One of the outworkings of the gospel is the creation of a new society where distinctions do not matter. That is no easy thing, since so much of our security, identity and understanding is based on distinction and difference. Ultimately, however, this is not healthy, and in an area of pathology and treatment where provision is as sadly lacking as in mental health, to make less treatment available where the key variable is ethnicity is not a justifiable way to ration the system.
I have said before, in respect of public service reform, that a failure to include a clear relational element is a great deficit in any programme. I trust that in the wake of the Windrush scandal we may yet be learning that lesson.
(8 years, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberAs I have said, and reiterate to the noble Baroness, we will look at the impact of minimum unit pricing. We must not just take into account any revenue that we generate and the health benefits that could accrue, but make sure that it provides a fair deal for those who drink sensibly.
My Lords, the report of the University of Sheffield referred to earlier said that the top 30% of drinkers consume 80% of all alcohol consumed, as measured in pure ethanol; and that, of the beer sold in supermarkets, a disproportionately high amount is sold on promotion—and much of that well below 50p per unit. Does the Minister agree that a floor in the unit price of alcohol would help to yield a more orderly, content and healthy society by bearing down on demand?
The statistic mentioned by the right reverend Prelate is in a way even more alarming because 4.4% of the heaviest drinkers account for a third of all alcohol drunk. A lot of people are drinking sensibly, within the guidelines. We need a system capable of targeting those who are sensitive to both price and health interventions, among those drinking in a way that is very deleterious to their health. We are doing that for a range of interventions—public health and taxation. As I said, we will look at the progress of minimum unit pricing in Scotland as it takes place.
(8 years, 6 months ago)
Lords ChamberI agree that there is more to do but progress has been made since the first national framework was published a couple of years ago, building on the work of successive Governments. Staffing is important. There are more early-life nurses than there were seven years ago. More than that, additional training is also going on. This is a really important part of this. Health Education England’s mandate now includes end-of-life care training within various care packages. Indeed, through the Nursing and Midwifery Council, midwives are starting to get systematic end-of-life care training. Given that, unfortunately, 40% of these child deaths happen in the neonatal and newborn setting, that is incredibly important. But I take the noble Lord’s point.
My Lords, as the Minister has already intimated, the key to delivery of end-of-life care to children and young people is the work of our children’s hospices. Given the 22% figure, will Her Majesty’s Government follow the lead of the Scottish Government and agree to work towards funding 50% of children’s hospices’ charitable costs, to the benefit of the patients concerned, rather than allow the proportion to decrease?
I thank the right reverend Prelate for making that point. In Scotland there are different funding environments. I am aware of the 50% funding commitment from the Scottish Government. We are trying to make sure that CCGs in England not only have the funding they need by increasing NHS funding in real terms but that they understand how to spend it well for end-of-life care, and topping that up where necessary with central funds. So there is a big spending commitment there and with the new accountability framework we have a way of holding those CCGs to account for their performance.