Lord Beecham
Main Page: Lord Beecham (Labour - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Lord Beecham's debates with the Wales Office
(12 years, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, these amendments seek to confine the definition of “sensitive information” for the purposes of Norwich Pharmacal cases to intelligence effectively held by foreign intelligence services, rather than any intelligence service, including our own. So Amendment 74A would delete in Clause 13(3)(a) the reference to,
“held by an intelligence service”,
which would, of course, embrace our own intelligence services. Under Amendment 76A, Clause 13(3)(b) would cover, within the definition of “sensitive information”, information held on behalf of a foreign intelligence service. Amendment 76C would, at line 13, delete the paragraph so that the whole issue becomes that of a foreign intelligence service.
Amendment 80A, on the other hand, looks at the rather more significant issue of whether,
“disclosure is contrary to the public interest if it would cause damage (a) to the interests of national security”—
which is, of course, accepted—
“or (b) to the interests of the international relations of the United Kingdom”.
The wording of the amendment looks to have been truncated somewhat. The intention is the same as that of Amendment 80, in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Williams, who is not in her place, but it would leave out reference to,
“the interests of the international relations of the United Kingdom”.
Of course, security matters would remain covered. The question is: what is the import of the Government’s intention to allow removal from disclosure in the interests of international relations?
One can envisage, of course, that international relations might include questions of national security, but there might also be other matters, such as trade relations with other countries. Are we to be obliged to protect documentation which might relate to, or have an impact on, our economic relations with a foreign country? It might not be an ally; it might simply be a trading partner, a country to which we are exporting or seeking to export goods; a country, perhaps, with an undemocratic regime. Why should these matters not be withheld to protect interests of that kind, as opposed to matters of national security? It will be interesting to hear the noble and learned Lord’s justification for that rather broader definition.
I repeat that we accept that the interests of national security are perfectly legitimate and should be protected. I beg to move.
My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Beecham, has sought to explore whether it is possible to define the Norwich Pharmacal jurisdiction in a narrower way than is available under the Bill as it stands. As was well aired in the earlier debate—and, indeed, on the second day of Committee and at Second Reading—because the aim of a Norwich Pharmacal case is to achieve release of information, it is not possible to agree a monetary settlement in order to prevent that information being released.
It is a different situation in damages claims. In this case, the court can still order the Government to release information if public interest immunity is not upheld. It is therefore important that Clause 13 provides the necessary protection for material whose could cause damage to national security or, in the part that these amendments relate to, to the effective functioning of international relations with key foreign partners.
I am grateful to the Minister for his explanation. Both those matters go rather wider than is necessary to protect the particularly relevant considerations of national security. They could be used to justify almost anything in relation to the activities of other countries, and to protect them, as it were, from claims brought under the Norwich Pharmacal procedures. The very fact of the result of the Omar case—if it is upheld—would, in any case, indicate that the courts will not rush to supply or to authorise disclosure. To that extent, it may be that the Bill as drafted is unnecessary. I remain somewhat concerned at the breadth of reach of these proposals. However, in the circumstances I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
I am not sure that David Anderson QC can be made a Peer with sufficient speed to meet the wish of the noble Lord, Lord Pannick, but I can tell the Committee that the Joint Committee on Human Rights has asked him to give further evidence and we are anticipating preparing a report in time for Report stage that will include his views. That part of the amendment may be met through the committee system in an ordinary way.
My Lords, the sun has already set here, although not in Newcastle or even further north, so I shall not detain the Committee long. I support the amendment moved by the noble Baroness. She is absolutely right in what she said. I make an additional suggestion to that of the noble Lord, Lord Pannick, which is that the Intelligence and Security Committee could look at the position at the end of the year. Its deliberations could no doubt inform the discussion that will take place here and in the House of Commons in relation to an annual renewal. A number of assertions have been made about the likelihood of there being only a small number of cases and the impact of the proposed changes. Following the precedent referred to by the noble Baroness, it would be well to monitor those at least for a period until we can see clearly how the legislation works out in practice. I commend the amendment to the Committee.