(3 weeks, 3 days ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I must acknowledge that, for the past 14 years, the UK has been a global leader in this area. We are the only major economy to have halved carbon emissions since 1990. In that time, the US’s emissions have stayed the same and China’s have tripled. In fact, we account for just 1% of global emissions. Despite this, we have seen that other countries are not persuaded just because the United Kingdom is going further and faster than others; they are persuaded by living standards and prosperity.
At COP, the Secretary of State announced a new target to cut our greenhouse gas emissions by 81% by 2035, but he has not explained what this will cost the British public. Why is this? He also argues that he will deliver savings through energy policy, and that those plans will boost jobs, growth and national security, and will cut household energy bills. This is very debatable.
The Institute for Fiscal Studies has said that the Secretary of State’s climate agenda will not lead to growth. There were also concerns about the National Energy System Operator’s report, which shows that the Government’s rush for clean power by 2030 will add costs to our energy system. In addition, the head of offshore wind development at RWE has warned that the RHG’s rush to meet the 2030 target will lead to price spikes, with consumers losing out. Yet, despite the costs, His Majesty’s Government’s plans would still leave gas pricing the system around 50% of the time, or they would leave the equivalent of a million of homes in the dark, waiting for the wind to blow or the sun to shine.
Billions of pounds of British taxpayers’ money will go to China, the world’s largest polluter, powered 60% by coal, which dominates clean-tech supply chains. Will the Minister set out an assessment of the increased reliance on coal-powered Chinese imports for the Government’s clean power by 2030 goal? What does this mean for global emissions?
The Government’s plans will result in the opposite of what is being promised: low growth, high bills, jobs lost and even blackouts, for more carbon in the atmosphere. Yet, in Baku, the Secretary of State signed the UK up to a $300 billion annual climate finance target. Can the Minister tell the House what this new target means for the British taxpayer?
Although I do believe that Britian has a role to play in global leadership, we must focus on delivering cheap energy, innovation, exports and, ultimately, living standards. If the Secretary of State continues down the path he has set out, our country will possibly face hardship.
My Lords, we welcome this Statement and the progress made at COP 29. The world—indeed the very future of humanity—stands at a cross-roads. One path leads to a near-term end of the viable future of humanity on planet earth, and the other leads to concerted, collective and constructive change and a willingness to fight for humanity’s future. Time is a luxury that is rapidly running out. We are on the cusp of breaching our collective goal of limiting climate change to 1.5 degrees. We must keep hope alive. We must fight for further rapid progress with the little time we have left.
The near future—one that our children will experience—is one where they will need to fight climate change and deal with the ever-growing consequences of the failure to do so earlier. The tragic loss of life and destruction from Storm Bert is the latest reminder of this fact. It is not acceptable that funding shortfalls mean that the number of properties to be protected from flooding by 2027 was cut by the previous Government by 40%. Will the Minister commit to including natural flood defences as a central part of the £5.2 billion flood-defence spending to protect our communities? Much more work is also needed on adaption and resilience programmes.
COP 29 concluded with a deal that, while welcome, still leaves much to be desired. The $300 billion a year is a start, but the developed world must do more to support the developing world to implement its own clean energy and adaption programmes. It is estimated that this funding can deliver reductions equivalent to more than 15 times the UK’s annual emissions. Simply put, we can either pay now or we can pay more later. The greatest cost of all is always that of doing nothing.
We very much welcome the return of UK leadership on the world stage on climate issues, after the dying days of the Conservative Government did so much damage to our international standing and reputation with their retreat from reality. I congratulate our negotiators on their work. We welcome the commitments to new ambitious emissions targets, including the reduction by at least 81% by 2035. Delivery depends on bolder and more decisive action. We support this programme and I express our willingness to work with the Minister to help the UK to seize this opportunity.
We need concentrated and immediate action to insulate our homes, reduce energy costs and ensure that no one has to choose between heating and eating. The delay to Labour’s warm homes plan until spring 2025 is unacceptable when millions of people, including 1.2 million pensioners, face a cold and uncomfortable winter due to the cut in the winter fuel allowance. We need clearer plans to roll out heat pumps, to increase the update of electric vehicles, to fix the unacceptable delays to grid connections, and to achieve rapid progress in improving our energy security and enabling a swift reduction in energy bills.
We will work to progress the GB Energy Bill through this House, but we call on the Minister to give clear commitments to deliver clear community energy programmes. Labour must do more to decentralise the energy transition, bring much-needed jobs and growth from the green economy, and work to ensure that the benefits of our transition and increased energy security are properly communicated. Climate leadership must prioritise solutions that protect communities and restore nature. The nature and climate crises are interlinked and intertwined. We are one of the most nature-deprived countries in the world. Our 30 by 30 target still has unrealistic delivery pathways.
I note that the Statement says:
“The UK will decide what our own contribution will be in the context of our spending review and fiscal situation, and that will come from within the UK aid budget”.
On loss and damage, are these funds ring-fenced against the development cuts announced in the Budget? Lastly, I call on the Government to give the gift of time to the Climate and Nature Bill—a Private Member’s Bill being discussed in the other place. It is so important that we update our climate legislation.
(1 year ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, whatever about the lobbyists from the fossil fuel companies, do the Government have any assessment of the cost in terms of CO2 used to travel to Dubai, or in terms of public money paid to facilitate the tens of thousands of pro-net zero lobbyists, NGOs and consultants who attended COP 28? Can the Minister reflect on the impact for developing countries of not using fossil fuels when they are so essential for enabling their citizens to achieve the prosperity of western economies?
(1 year, 7 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I have one clarification for the noble Baroness. The point was made that this is not a Second Reading, but it has also been recognised that the amendments to the original Bill are substantial. The difficulty I have is how we hold this Bill to account when it is different from the Bill that we were holding to account. In many ways, it has been gutted, and we have had four days to assess it. I am not suggesting lots of Second Reading speeches; I simply wanted to reflect, as the noble Baroness already has, that this is a big change to the Bill. How do we deal with that in this discussion?
I apologise for interrupting the noble Baroness, but I remind the whole House that, as we are on Report, there cannot be any interruptions apart from material descriptions of various features.
I am grateful to the noble Lord. It is a measure of the speed with which the Bill has gone through every stage that these questions should be raised in the first place, but I leave it to the Government to reply.
I also wish to pick up the point made by the noble Lord, Lord Pearson, about whose fault it is that this process has been so slow. I was appalled by the comments of a previous leader of the House of Commons; I thought he traduced civil servants who cannot answer for themselves. In our committee, we have seen these officials working day and night, against the clock, to make some sense of a process which has simply not been sensible. To suggest that they have somehow been subversive, deliberately slow or incompetent is a real slur on the professionalism of officials and of the Civil Service. I hope that every Member of this House agrees with that.
My question to the Minister is this. I am grateful for what has been achieved, but I look at that list of 600 and am reminded of the 600 people going into the valley of death, bravely being sacrificed. There are some in this list that refer to common frameworks—for example, safety of food and emissions. There is no apparent reason why they are in there and I do not know how many there are. On behalf of our committee, I would like a list which tells us—