To ask Her Majesty’s Government what action they are taking to reduce air pollution.
My Lords, the Government’s clean air strategy, published in January of this year, sets out an ambitious programme of action to reduce air pollutant emissions from a wide range of sources. The World Health Organization has recognised this strategy as an example for the rest of the world to follow. This complements the £3.5 billion package announced in 2017 to tackle roadside nitrogen dioxide concentrations.
My Lords, today London’s ultra-low emissions zone comes into force, cutting toxic emissions and making London’s air safer for millions, especially children. First, I commend the Mayor of London for this bold, world-leading scheme to tackle toxic air. The forthcoming environment Bill is the Government’s chance to be as bold. The clean air strategy is a welcome step forward, but without any legal force it is just an aspiration. Will the environment Bill include legally binding targets in line with WHO air quality standards on particulate matter, and will the new office for environmental protection proposed in the Bill have the power to hold the Government to account for breaching air quality standards?
Noble Lords will have heard us mention the office for environmental protection a number of times over recent months—it has been the subject of much discussion. When the environment Bill comes before your Lordships, it will contain provisions which will give the OEP the ability to hold government and other bodies to account, and to work retrospectively. We are already looking at the targets set by the WHO. The targets are very tough; no other major economy has so far been able to adopt them. What we have decided to do is look at them and see what action we would need to take to reach them.
To ask Her Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the effectiveness of slavery and human trafficking statements in reducing slavery in supply chains.
My Lords, it will take time to see the full benefits of the Modern Slavery Act, but the requirement for businesses to publish slavery and human trafficking statements has already had a significant impact. The first year of compliance with Section 54 of this Act has only just passed. It is therefore too early to make a formal assessment of its impact. However, we know that thousands of statements have been published, with many examples of good practice emerging.
My Lords, research by the CORE Coalition has shown that overall compliance with this section of the Act is low. Thousands of companies may well have complied but thousands have also failed to provide a statement, and those that have show that there are varying levels of quality. For example, the Co-operative Group has produced a nine-page document, yet Halfords could manage only nine sentences and has not put a link on the front page of its website. Civil society cannot enforce this section of the Act on its own. Will the Government seek to develop infrastructure to enforce compliance with this section of the Act, to revise Home Office guidance to ensure statements cover all six areas required by the Act, and to specifically state that non-reporting, or reporting that no action has been taken to root out slavery, is frankly not good enough?
The noble Baroness raises many interesting issues. Our view is that this new legislation will take time to embed. We want to work in partnership with organisations, not create burdensome legislation. However, on 28 September the Government wrote to all 10,000 companies that are required to make these statements to remind them of their obligations. The noble Baroness mentioned updating the guidance. I am pleased to say that it has been updated, so on 4 October the Home Office issued revised guidance that specifically sets out the six areas she referred to, but which also doubles down on the deadline. It makes absolutely clear what their responsibilities are and within what timeframe.